THE HISTORY OF THE COUNTY
OF MAYO
THH bukkh: i-:ffi()v, glixsk, county oaiavav.
II. S. Ckawiokh, fhoto
THE HISTORY
OF THE
COUNTY OF MAYO
TO THE CLOSE OF THE
SIXTEENTH CENTURY
BY
HUBERT THOMAS KNOX
M.R.I.A., F.R.S.A.I.
FORMERLY OF THE MADRAS CIVIL SERVICE
DUBLIN
HODGES, FIGGIS & CO., Ltd.
PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY
1908
PREFACE.
In this first History of the County some errors must be
expected, but I trust that they will be found to be very few
as to matters of fact. Some opinions are new, for which
general acceptance cannot be expected at once, but it is my
hope that such readers as study the evidence for themselves
will agree with me, if not wholly, to a great extent.
The fulness of the parts dealing with the thirteenth and
early fourteenth centuries, and again of those dealing with
the latter half of the sixteenth century, as compared with the
part relating to the intervening two hundred years, is due to
the want of full English Records after the King ceased to
govern in Connaught.
Ecclesiastical affairs are passed over lightly, because they
have been dealt with already in my " Notes on the Dioceses
of Tuam and Killala and Achonry," published when I did not
expect to finish this history, for which they were prepared.
If the Genealogical Tables seem unnecessary in number,
and inclusive of names not wanted for this book, it is because
it is impossible to understand fully the alliances of clans and
tribes and their quarrels, external and internal, without a
knowledge of the family relationships in which they usually
originated. These tables are, generally, not accessible in print,
and they will be necessary to those who carry on the history
of the Mayo families into the next century.
My thanks are due to His Grace the Archbishop of
2060843
VI PREFACE.
Canterbury for leave to publish parts of the '■ Division of
Connaught and Thomond, 1574."
To the Librarian of Trinity College, Dublin, for leave to
use the translations of the " Historia et Genealogia Familire
de Burgo."
To the Council of the Royal Irish Academy for leave to
use extracts from " MacFirbis's Great Book of Genealogies."
To the Council of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of
Ireland for the loan of the blocks of the Maps in pp. 326,
328, 338.
To the Controller of His Majesty's Stationery Office for
leave to quote from the Irish Annals, the Calendars, and
other publications of that office.
To Mr. H. S. Crawford for the use of his photograph of
the Glinsk Effigy of William Burke.
To the representative of the late Rev. D. Murphy for
leave to quote from his " Life of Hugh Roe O'Donnell."
H. T. KNOX.
March 2, 1908.
ABBREVIATIONS.
A. C.= Annals of Clonmacnoise (Murphy's Edition). Volume of the
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
A.I. = Annals of lunisfallen in O'Conor's " Rerum Hibernicarum Scrip-
tores Veteres."
A.T. = Annals of Tigernach in Revue Ccltiquc.
A.U. = Annals of Ulster. Rolls Series.
C. = Chief or king of tribe.
C.S. = Cbronicum Scotorum. Rolls Series.
D.F. = Annals of Duald MacFirbis in Miscellany of Irish Archajological
Society, vol. i.
D.I. = Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, 1172-1307.
D.K. = Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records,
Ireland.
F.M. = Annals of the Four Masters (O'Donovan's Translation).
Hist, et Gen. = Historia et Genealogia Familite de Burgo. See Appendix.
H.F. = Tribes and Customs of Hy Fiachrach (O'Donovan's Translation).
K.C., K.I. = King of Connaught, King of Ireland.
L.C.=: Annals of Loch Ce. Rolls Series.
O.S.L.M.= Ordnance Survey Letters, County Mayo.
P.R.=Plea Rolls in the Public Record Office, Dublin.
R. S. A.I. = Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, including
its earlier titles.
S.P.I.E. = State Papers, Ireland, Queen Elizabeth. In the Public Record
Office, London. In the Calendar of State Papers, Ireland,
Henry VIII., &c. In a few cases the originals have been
used.
S.T.L. = Stokes's Edition of the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick. Rolls
Series.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
The Earliest Legends.
PAGE
Iberians — Celts or Gael — Tribes of earliest legends — " Invasions of Ire-
land " — Three kingdoms of the Olnegmacht — Queen Meave's period —
Clann Umoir — Attacottic revolution and Tuathal Techtmar — Clann
Morna and Conn Cedcatnach — Battle of Moj'lena — The Fianna —
Cormac MacArt and Lugni Firtri — Cairbre Liffeacliair and Clann
Morna ............. 1
CHAPTER II.
The Early Milesian Period.
Probable transformation of Olnegmacht clans into Milesians — Kingdom
of Irrusdomnonn and its constituent tribes — Other tribes of Mayo —
Those of rest of Connaught — Book of Rights 15
CHAPTER III.
The Fifth Century and Establishment of Christianity.
Brian and Fiachra — Family rivalry — Fiachra, Dathi, Duach Galach, and
St. Patrick — St. Patrick's early work — Amalgaid — St. Patrick's tour
in S. Mavo — Death of Amalgaid, and St. Patrick's visit to Tirawlev
— Ailill Molt— Battle of Segais '.24
CHAPTER IV.
From Accession of Eoghan Bel to a.d. 800.
Christian mission work in sixth century — Battle of Sligo — Quarrels of
Guaire and Muredach, and murder of St. Cellach-.-Ailill Inbanna — •
Decay of kingdom of Irrusdomnonn — Later events — Establishment
of great monasteries — Influence on architecture 31
CHAPTER V.
From a.d. 800 to the Anglo-Norman Invasion.
Invasions by Northmen — Partition between O'Dowda and O'Keewan —
Round Towers — Wars with Munster and Ulster — Rise of Torlogh
Mor — Sea fight near Inishowen — Relations of King of Connaught
with sub-kings — Ecclesiastical affairs ....... 38
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
Relations of the King of Conxaugiit with the King of
England in the Twelfth and Thikteenth Centuries.
I'AOE
Ruaidhri's settlement in 1175 — Quarrels with sons — Cathal Crobhderg's
settlements in 1201 and 1215 — Aedh's rebellion — Partition of Con-
naught in 1228 — Submission of Felim in 12;J7 — Rebellion of his son
Aedh — O'Conor's lordship reduced to three cantreds — Subsequent
relations 51
CHAPTER VII.
State of the Country from 1170 to 1237 59
CHAPTER VIII.
Events from 1170 to 1224.
Rebellion of Murrough O'Conor — Cathal Crobhderg invades Munster —
Castlehag — William de Burgo's invasions — He turns against Cathal —
Death — Notices of Mayo chieftains 62
CHAPTER IX.
From Accession of Aedh to the Submission of Felim
in 1237.
Rebellion against Aedh and invasion of Mayo, 1225 — Aedh's rebellion —
Invasion of 1226— Partition of Coimaught in 1228— Invasion of 1230
— Arrest of Felim — Release and attack on R. de Burgo — Invasion of
1235, and fighting in Clew Bay — O'Conors rise in 1237 — Peace and
colonisation ............ 72
CHAPTER X.
Ecclesiastical Affairs to the Sixteenth Century.
Effects of transfer of endowments and imposition of tithes — New style
of abbeys and parish churches — Appointment of bishops — Power
of King and Pope — Decay of cathedral and parish clergy — Parish
church architecture — Growth of monastic clergy and architecture —
List of monasteries — Course of Reformation ...... 90
CHAPTER XI.
Enfeoffment and Colonisation.
Organisation of Connaught lordship — Division of Mayo into fees — Early
barons' castles — Manors, tuaths, duns, and motes — Early manor
houses or castles — Manor of Lehinch — Market towns . . . .101
CONTENTS. XI
CHAPTER XII.
Changes of Appearance of Country.
PAGE
Duns, cahers, and raths — Dwelling-houses — Woods and water — Tillage
— Crannogs- — The great high forts — Roads — Ecclesiastical cashels
and towns — Round towers and stone churches — Anglo-Norman
buildings 109
CHAPTER XIII.
From the Colonisation to the Death of Earl Walter.
Incidents in 1246 — O'Conor raids and rising in Umall — Sheriff killed by
pirates — MacCostellos fight with O'Conors — Invasions by Aedh O'Conor
— War of Burkes and Geraldines — War with Aedh O'Conor — Defeat of
Earl Walter at Athanchip 113
CHAPTER XIV.
The Time of Earl Richard.
Rising and expulsion of Clan Murtough — Battle of Kilroe — Imprisonment
of the Earl by John FitzThomas — Settlement — Sir W. de Burgo —
Wars of Thomond — Bruce war and O'Conor war — Battle of Athenry . 120
CHAPTER XV.
From Death of Earl Richard to the Fall of the
King's Government in Connaught.
Walter de Burgo and the O'Conors — His rebellion and death — Murder of
Earl William — Sir Edmond and Edmond Albanagh and the O'Conors
quarrel — Murder of Sir Edmond — Consequences 130
CHAPTER XVI.
The De Burgo Family in Connaught and their Irish
Keighbours 137
CHAPTER XVII.
Establishment of the MacWilliamship 142
CHAPTER XVIII.
The First MacWilliams.
Edmond Albanagh — Fights with Clanmorris — O'Conor factions— Fights
with Berminghams — Sir Edmond's son invades Connaught — Rise of
Richard Og — Edmond and Clanricard— Subdues Clanricard — Appear-
ance of Gallowglasses — His son Thomas — Position as MacWilliam —
Wars with neighbours — Wars of the two O'Conors — Admits superiority
of Richard Og — Submits to King Richard — The De Exeters — Barretts
rise against him — General attack on Sligo O'Conors — Counties of Mayo
and Sligo take shape 146
XU CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIX.
The MacWilliams, Soxs and Grandsons of Sir Thomas
BOURKE— 1401 TO 1503.
Outline of events in his sons' time — Walter — Various fighting — Defeat at
Ath Lighen — Peace in 1420 between the MacWilliams — At war in 1430
— Great famine — Edmond na Fesoige — Forces Upper MacWilliam to
submit — Famine and plague — Barrett quarrel — O'Kellys of Donamona
— Thomas Og — Richard — Period of the grandsons of Sir Thomas —
Richiird O'Cuairsci — Invades Galway with O'Donnoll — Battle of
Glanog — Allies quarrel over O'Conors of Sligo— Consequent warfare —
Theobald — The Bourkes quarrel — Battle of Ardnarea with O'Donnell
— The Bourkes and Barretts — P^'ace with O'Donnell — Ships sent to
Tirconnell — Lord Deputy sets up O'Conor Donn — Theobald puts him
down .............. 154
CHAPTER XX.
From 1503 to 1550.
General course of events — Edmond III. — Battle of Knockdoe — Murder of
John Bourke — Skirmishes with O'Donnell in Leyny and Tireragh —
Murder of Edmond — John I. — Meyler — Edmond IV — Connaught
marches against O'Donnell and retreats — O'Donnell invades Tirawley —
Takes Castlemore — John II. of the Termon — Uiick — O'Dowdas and
Ardnarea — Theobald II. — Barretts and Bourkes — Succession of
MacWilliams unknown — Revival of king's power .... 162
CHAPTER XXI.
From 1550 to 1568.
Fighting between Bourkes — John MacOliverus and Scots defeated in the
Curlews — David, MacWilliam — Bourkes and Scots defeated at Cloonee
— Richard III. visits the Lord Deputy — Settlement of disputes with
Lord Clanricard — Claims to Moyne Castle — Sidney comes to Galway . 170
CHAPTER XXII.
From the Formation of the County of Mayo to the
Death of Sir N. Malbie.
Government of Connaught formed — The county defined^The cess — Battle
of Shrule — Submission of Bourkes — Fear of changes — Sir John
MacOliverus — Rebellion — Fitton's operations, 1571 — MacWilliam
rebels and submits — " Division of Connaught" — Sidney proposes com-
position — His account of Mayo — Rebellion of Earl's sons — Grace
O'Malley — Richard an larainn's rising — Death of Sir John — Malbie
establishes Richard an larainn — Rising of Richard MacOliverus — He
becomes MacWilliam — Malbie's work in Connaught .... 175
CHAPTER XXIII.
The Composition for Cess and the Introduction of the
English Law 199
CONTENTS. XIU
CHAPTER XXIV.
From the Composition to the Return of Sir R. Bingham
IN 1588.
PAGE
The composition introduced — Death of Sir R. Boiirke — Castlehag rising-
Lord Deputy's intervention — Extinction of MacWilliamship and spread
of rebellion — Suppression — Execution of Edmond of Castlebar — In-
vasion by Scots — Battle of Ardnarea — Charges against Bingham and
acquittal — Remarks on composition — Composition for Costello —
Administration of law — English settlers 205
CHAPTER XXY.
From the Coming of the Spanish Armada to the Peace
OF 1589.
Spanish ships on this coast — Execution of Justin MacDonnell — Beginning
of rebellion — Weakness of Government — John Browne's commission —
Rebels kill him — Spread of rebellion — Demands of rebels — Battle of
Carras — Peace negotiations and their failure — Bingham's action
against rebels — Lord Deputy withdraws him and sues for peace —
Further action of rebels — Their submission 220
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Persecution of Sir R. Bingham and the Suppression
OF the Rebellion.
Unfair arrangements for trial of the Governor — Trial and acquittal — Martial
law — Fitz William's circuit — Taking up of cattle — Scots land in Erris —
Blind Abbot proclaimed MacWilliam — Parleying with rebels — Orders
from England for action — Further parleying — Bingham ordered to act
— The march through Mayo — The Blind Abbot loses his foot — Peace . 237
CHAPTER XXVII.
From 1590 to 1595.
Defeat of Scots in Erris — Attack on John Bingham — Some social conditions
— Attack on the sessions — Operations against rebels and terms of peace
—Arrest of Tibbot na Long — Grace O'Malley in England — Her petitions
and answers — Richard Bourke's raid from Ulster ..... 246
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The Breakdown of Government.
Murder of George Bingham and loss of Sligo Castle — Consequences —
O'Donnell's raid — Sickness of soldiers — Disastrous attempt to relieve
Belleek — Mayo abandoned to the rebels — Charges against Sir R. Bing-
ham — His flight to England — His government ..... 256
XIV CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXIX.
O'Donnell's Domination' and the Final Peace.
PAGE
Rebels refuse to meet Sir W. Russell — O'Donnell makes a MacWilliam —
Sir J. Norris brings an army to Mayo, negotiates, and retires —
Clifford's operations — Terms of peace in Mayo — List of pledges —
Agreement with Tibbot na Long — Raids from Ulster — Conditions at
end of 1597 — Defeat of the Yt-llow Ford and rebellion in Connaught —
Crannog of Lahardane — Defeat of the Yellow Pass — Tibbot na Long's
fleet at Sligo — Terms between the two 'J'ibbots — Mayo rebels in Mun-
ster — Tibbot na Long bangs Dermot O'Conor — Plot for capture of
O'Donnell — Richard Bourke set up as MacWilliam and killed — Battle
of Kinsale establishes the queen's supremacy ..... 263
CHAPTER XXX.
The Barony of Kilmaine.
Early tribes — Norman settlement — Bourke division — MacSeonins — Mac-
Tibbots— MacMeylers— MacDonnells 280
CHAPTER XXXI.
The Barony of Carra.
Early tribes — Norman settlement — Stauntons — Branaghs — MacPhilpins —
Sauvages — Barrys — Bourke divisions — O'Kellys — MacDonnells —
Formation of barony 286
CHAPTER XXXII.
The Barony of Tirawley.
Early tribes — Mullaghorne— Hy Fiachrach clans — Their chiefs — Norman
settlement — Barrett, Carew, and Cusack claims — Barrett estates and
clans — Branaghs — MacAnallys — Cusacks — Carews — Lynotts — Mer-
ricks — De Exeters — Berminghams and Ardnarea — Feud of Barretts
and Lynotts — MacDonnells — Bourkes 289
CHAPTER XXXIII.
The Barony of Erris.
The chieftains — Clan Murtough — De Exeters — Butlers — Fleming —
Barretts — Bourkes 298
CHAPTER XXXIV.
The Barony of Burrishoole.
Formation of barony — Clan Murtough — Butlers — Bourke clans — Mac-
Donnells — Manor of Aghagower 300
CONTENTS. XV
CHAPTER XXXV.
The Barony of Murrisk.
PAGE
Aicill and Umall — Clann Maille — Exploits by sea — Obits — Cruachan of
Aigill and Belclare Castle — Lawless estate — MacGibbons — Crannog
of Moher Lake 303
CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Barony of Gallen.
Formation of barony — Division among De Exeters — Gaelic freeholders — De
Exeter family — Malbie's settlement between MacJordan and Mac-
William — Entries in Annals 307
CHAPTER XXXVII.
The Barony of Costello.
Early tribes — Early de Angulos — Norman partition — De Angulo lord of
Sliabh Lugha — South Costello — Theobald Dillon — Division under
MacCostellos — War of MacCostellos and MacDermots — Notices of
MacCostellos — Their genealogy 313
CHAPTER XXXVllI.
The Barony of Clanmorris.
Early tribes and divisions — Prendergasts — FitzfSimons, &c. — Independence
of MacWilliams 321
CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Barony of Ross.
Early tribes— The Joys 324
A P P E N D T E S.
I. The Early Legends 325
II. Agreement between the Earl of Ulster and Sir
John FitzThomas 341
III. Inquisitions taken after the Death of William,
Earl of Ulster 343
IV. The Divisions of Connaught, 1570, 1574 . . . .346
V HiSTORIA ET GeNEALOGIA FAMir.IyR DE BxTRGO . . .351
/,
XVI CONTENTS.
PAQE
VI. Indenture of Composition for Co. Mayo . . . 356
VII. Indenture of Composition for Iar Connaught . . 3t;9
VIII. Barrett Inquisitions ....... 870
TX. Genealogical and other Tables of (!aelic Families.
1. Revised view of early tribal relations, p. 373. 2. Domnonian kings of
Connaught and pedigrees, p. 374. 3. Succession of kings of Connaught
down to Eochy Moyvane, p. 374. 4. The Irish genealogical system,
p. 375. 5. Relationship of principal Milesian clans, p. 37(J. G. Relation-
ship of Hy Fiachrach clans, north and south, p. 378. 7. 'i"ho race of
Dathi, p. 37'.t. 8. The clans of Hy Briuin of Connaught, p. 381. 9. The
Hy Briuin Ai, p. 382. 10. The Sihnnrray clans, p. 383. 11. Genealogy
of Torlogh Mor O'Conor, p. 384. 12. Succession of kings of Connaught
of race of Eochy Moyvane, p. 387. 13. Ui Briuin of'Umhall, p. 388.
14. Clan Donnell Galloglass of Mayo and Tireragh, p. 390.
X. Genealogical and other Tables of English Families.
1. Succession of the Mac Williams, p. 395. 2. Relationships of the Lower
MacWilliams, p. Situ. 3. Relationships of the Upper MacWilliams,
p. 39t). 4. The chief de Burgo clans of Ireland, p. 397. 5. Descend-
ants of Sir Edmond Albanagh, Sliocht Walter, p. 399. 6. The Bourkes
of Castlebar, Carra, and Umall, p. 400. 7. Sliocht IJlick of Carra and
Umall, p. 402. 8. Sliocht Ricaird of Tirawley, p. 404. 9. Clan Seonin,
p. 406. 10. Clan Philij', p. 407. 11. Clan Gibbon of Umall, p. 408. 12.
Sliocht Ulick of Umall, p. 411. 13. Clan David and Clan Walter of
Corcamoe, p. 412. 14. The Burkes of Munster, p. 413. 15. The Joys
of Ross, p. 414. 16. The Barretts, p. 416. 17. Clan Jordan of Gallon
and Clan Stephen, p. 41«. 18. Clan Costello, p. 420.
INDEX 424
ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE BUEKE EFFIGY AT GLINSK . . . Frontispiece
PORTKAIT OF SIR R. BINGHAM . . . To face p. 199
MAPS.
CONNAUGHT WEST OF THE SHANNON IN
THE FIFTH CENTURY . . Between pp. 24 aiul 25
THE DE BURGO LORDSHIP OF CONNAUGHT
Between pp. 100 and 101
THE COUNTY OF MAYO At end
THE EARLY HISTORY OE THE
COUNTY OF MAYO.
CHAPTER I.
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS,
Mex who used the Paleolithic tools once inhabited these countries,
but it is supposed that a gap due to change of climate separated them
from those of the Neolithic, or Polished Stone, Period. The first
race identified in Ireland is the Iberian, known to have inhabited
nearly all France, the Bi-itish Isles, Spain, and the north-western
parts of Africa, now recognised in the Basques, the Guanches of the
Canary Isles, and the Berbers of Morocco. They are the foundation
upon which have settled strata of Celts, Scandinavians, and English,
and are held to be the element which supplies the people with black
hair, blue or grey eyes, sallow complexions, and fine features.
To them are attributed the dolmens or cromlechs ; the stone circles,
mounds, and cairns with small cists to the Celts. These forms pass
into each other and are combined, as each race was influenced by the
practices of the other and by change of fashion. The great chambered
cairns seem to be the greatest result of the combination of both styles,
and to have fallen out of use before the historic or even legendary
period, being supplanted by buiial in cists in small mounds and raths.
Cremation was in use when they were made. They are unsuitable for
disposal of unburnt bodies.
The earliest monuments show burnt remains, then a period of
burial, followed by burning and burial. The practices were to some
extent contemporaneous as new fashions came in. There is some
indication that burning was practised even up to the Christian
period, but it must have been rare, as the legends and annals do
not clearly refer to it.
Upon the Iberians came the Celts from the countries about the
Danube and Central Germany, occupying France, Northern Italy, a
great part of Spain, and the British Isles. These were the Gael or
Cruithne, who were long afterwards followed by the British Celts who
A
2 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
supplanted them in Northei'u France and nearly all England, but
made no settlements in Ireland, or only .small colonies which were
absorbed by the Gael.
The Gael of Ireland were a long-headed race. The monuments
testify to the settlement of round-headed men in Ireland, whom
Mr. Borlase identifies as the Celtse of Cajsar, who must have been
few in number, as they have not left marked traces in the population,
and are known only by their skulls in tumuli.^
The Iberian population had lost its identity before the period of
the oldest legends, which never mention such a race as extant in
Ireland. The ancient Irish historians identified the dark type with
the Firbolg, but this identification does not show the existence of
a separate race, because their legends show a common descent of
Firbolg, Tuatha De Danann, and Milesians.
The best opinion seems to be that the Celts came to these isles
about 1250 B.C., bringing bronze into Ireland, if the Iberians had not
already got it by trade, as is most probable. The second Celtic
invasion of Britain is assigned to the fourth century B.C. Iron had
come into use somewhat earlier.
The Dolmens are of almost any period before history. The cairns
of New Grange, Dowth, and Lough C'rew are believed by Mr. Coffey,
on evidence of ornament inscribed on stone, to range from about 800
to 300 B.C. Thus they would coincide with the coming of the Gael
in their beginning, and in their end with the introduction of new
fashions into Britain by the Belgic Celts.
No credit can be given to the ancient history of invasions of
Ireland by Parthalon, Nemed, Firbolg, Tuatha De Danann, and
Milesians. At mo.st these invasions represent vague legends of
early Celtic migration. Examination shows that they deal with
events which occurred when the Gael had been long established in
the land, and were broken vip into clans as in the historical period,
and that those events were of local rather than national importance.
The Fomorians were northern families who took their name from
an ancestor named Fomor. The name appears in the pedigree of the
Irian race of Ulster. They are the same as the Uladh of later legend.
The Tuatha De Danann were clans of Meath and Connaught, ancestors
of the Delbna^ Cianachta, Luighne, and Gailenga of later times. They
were acknowledged to be related to the Domnonians by descent from
Nemed, who descended from Partholan's brother.
The Domnonians are called Firbolg, a name of obscure meaning
which comprises Danonians, though it came to be restricted to the
Firdomnonn, Firgaileoin, and Firbolg. I cannot find that the last
named had any distinct existence, unless the general name stuck to a
^ Borlase, " Dolmens of Ireland," p. 1012.
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 3
clan of the Domnonians, being abandoned by others in favour of new
names, the usual course in subdivision of Irish royal families. The
only trace I find of it is in the Bolg Tuath of Badgna, D. MacFirbis
tells us that the Bolg Tuath, the Gabry of the Suck, the Cathry, and
the Cruithne of Croghan were descendants of Genann, son of Dela.^
The Firgaileoin are identified without doubt as Tuatha De Danann of
Meath and as Cruithne.
If I am right in recognising the Delbna, Luighne, and Gailenga as
Danonians, their distribution in Meath and Connaught, the traditional
descent of Danonians and Domnonians, and the evidence of the legends
combine to prove that they were two great clans of the Gael, who
fought with each other and with the Fomorach for supremacy in these
provinces and in Leinster, and that there was no more difference
between them than between Hy ISTeill, Hy Briuin, and Hy Fiachrach
of history.
All these tribes are of the same great Cruithne race, which includes
the Irian race of Ulster, and is the Gael of Ireland. In later times
the Milesians arrogated to themselves the name of Gael.
The Milesian pedigree before the fourth century is untrustworthj'.
It is likely that a man of the Domnonian royal family of Connaught
or Meath went to Spain, and acquired distinction and the name of
Miled of Spain in the wars between the Celts and the Romans, or
between the Celts themselves. Miled is an Irish form of Miles^ and
translates Galam, his Irish name. His sons may have returned to
Ireland. So far there is nothing improbable. He has been utilised
in making up Milesian genealogies, largely fictitious, but probably
made up of names of real persons available in tradition. The true
ancestry of Eochy Feidhlech is Domnonian. Tuathal Techtmai' was
a scion of one of the branches of the Domnonian royal family of Con-
naught. When it acquired pre-eminence a pedigree was worked up,
and many of the great families which maintained their position were
in course of time grafted on it, and so lost their real and greater
connection. The quai-rels of the three great tribes having ended in
Domnonian supremacy, the Domnonians themselves were partly turned
into Eremonians, and partly disavowed and stigmatised as Firbolgs
and Attacots.-
Mayo seldom appears in these legends. But it was a large part of
the kingdom of Irrusdomnonn, which, as defined by Keating, extended
from the River of Galway to the River Drowse, and seems to have
been the dwelling-place of the Gamanry clan.
Though the stories of invasions of Ireland and the dates assigned
by Irish historians must be set aside, I see no reason to doubt that
1 " Hist, of Firbolgs." Quoted by Borlase, " Dolmens of Ireland," iii. 1117.
- For reason, see Appendix.
4 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
the main events are generally accurately marshalled according to
relative dates, and that they embody some historical facts.
Partholan killed in battle Cical Grigencosach, great-grandson of
Uadmor, who is said to have landed at Inver Domnonn, now Broad-
haven Bay, twenty years after Partholan according to some his-
torians, to have been in Ireland before him according to others.
He and his people are called Fomorach, but I take that to be
because the historians found no tribe name but that of Fomorach in
the earliest legends, and did not recognise Clann Umoir as then in
existence. We may take Cical to have been a king of Irrusdom-
nonn, a MacUmoir.
Named next appears fighting with Fomorach, whom he defeated in
three battles, one being at Ros Fhraochain in Connaught, said by
O'Donovan to be Rosreaghan in Murrisk in this county, a place which
I cannot identify. There he slew Gann and Genann, two of their
chiefs. Afterwards the Fomorach got the better of the Xemedians,
whom they cruelly oppressed. Rivalry may be inferred between the
clan of Nemed and that of Umoir for the sovereignty of Connaught,
or perhaps for that of Ireland, which the latter now held for a time.
It does not appear who Partholan and Nemed were. The indications
point to chieftains of a great family living to the east of Irrusdom-
nonn, probably the ruling family in Connaught and Meath, from which
came the Tuatha De Danann.
It is impossible to give any kind of date to these legends except
that they are a shadow of events which occurred before the battles of
Moytura, which may be dated as not long before the beginning of the
Christian eia.
The Nemedians appear again as the Firbolgs, who invade Ireland
under the command of the five sons of Dela and divide all Ireland
among themselves, Connaught falling to Genann. The fact is that
they appear as settled in Ireland, in Meath and Connaught, and that
members of the family are said to have held the chief sovereignty for
thirty-seven years. Their last High King, Eochaidh MacErca, made
Tara the residence of the High King of Ireland. The other branches
of the clan of Nemed, the Tuatha De Danann, appear and challenge
the supremacy. The Danonians, having landed on the coast of Sligo
according to the legend, encamped on Slievanierin. When the Firbolg
under King Eochaidh prepared to meet them, they went to the west
and took up a position in front of Mount Belgadan, now called Benlevi,
that is at Cong, to the west of Magh Nia, the Plain of Heroes, now
called Moytura. It is a curious feature that they are given as an
ally Aengabha, King of Iruaithe, which has always been translated
Norway, the usual meaning of the word. He played a distinguished
part in the battle. In this case Iruaithe did not mean Norway, but
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 5
the Irish kingdom of Herota or Hirota, which was about Gahvay,^
where we find in later days two Delbhna clans.
The battle began on midsummer day. On the second day Eochaidh
left the field with 100 men to get water. The three sons of Nemed,
son of Badrai, and 150 men chased him to the Strand of Ballysadare,
where Eochaidh and the sons of Nemed were killed in fight. Eochaidh
was buried where he fell, and a great monument was raised over him,
which existed until the nineteenth century. The sons of Nemed were
buried at the west end of the Strand, where the flagstones of the sons
of Nemed were set up over them.
After four days' battle the Firbolg were reduced to 300 men under
Sreng, son of Sengann. Being outnumbered, they accepted peace,
which left them the province of Connaught. Thus the Danonians
acquire the sovereignty of Ireland.
Though the monuments of Moytura Cong have been assigned to
various persons slain in this battle, and Moytura Cong has been
accepted as the site, there are good reasons for believing that the
battle was fought in Coillte Luighne, near another Cong, a denomina-
tion of land discovered by Col. Wood-Martin in an old survey. That
site agrees with the position of the Carn of Eochy and the flagstones
of Nemed's sons, and the explanation of the name of L. Key given by
Gilla Isu Mor Mac Fii'bisigh in the beginning of the fifteenth century.
His opinion deserves great respect, and the Cong site does not fit in
with these incidents and traditions. Unfortunately we cannot place
mvich reliance on identification of monuments, but it is a matter of
some significance that the writer of the Tale of the First Battle
accepted the Strand of Ballysadare as the scene of his death. Yet on
the whole the matter must remain in doubt, for a king who ran away
from Cong may have been followed up and killed near Ballysadare.
The second battle of Moytura does not concern Mayo directly. It
was between Danonians and Ulster men called Fomorach, aided by
some Domnonians, who are called Firbolg ancestors of the Clann
Umoir. No doubt some Clann Umoir men were concerned, but the
legend does not give their names.
The Danonian supremacy is said to have lasted 197 years. It
must have lasted long, as so many families which I class as Danonian
were settled in Meath and Connaught, but it may have been before
as well as after the first battle of Moytura.
The sons of Miled and their cousins, the sons of Ith, now appeal-,
called collectively Clanna Breogain, and the Tuatha De Danann
disappear as ruling families, but survive in legend as fairies.
The Milesians spread quickly over all Ireland except Connaught,
whose Domnonian kings acknowledged the supremacy of the High
1 Professor Bury in Eivjlislt Ilist. Review, April 1902, p. 2G4.
(5 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
King of T;iia. They were divided into four great brandies, called
the races of Eremon, Ir, Eber, and Ith. The Irish genealogists of
later times called all the families whose pedigrees they did not carry
up to one of these races by the names of Firbolg and Attacot.
What seem to me to be the true relations between the Domnonians,
Eremonians, Milesians, Firbolgs, and Attacots are set out in Appen-
dix I., but for practical purposes of history it is convenient to call
the tribes by their well-known names, and to accept the tribal group-
ing which accords with their relations among themselves, though the
supposed origins be not true.
Our knowledge now becomes more definite. Connaught is recog-
nised as comprising three divisions, without very distinct boundaries,
and under three ruling families, whose history can be traced for three
hundred years, and even to this day if they have been transformed
into Milesians as I suppose.
Fidach, son of Fiach, was King of the Fir Craibe, whose kingdom
was South Connaught from Limerick, that is from the mouth of the
Shannon, to the Palace of Fidach. O'Flaberty mentions the " Palace
of Fidach," Keating only " Fidach," as the boundai-y. The place is
not known, but as it was a boundary between the Fir Craibe and the
Tuatha Taiden, we shall not be far wrong if we take it to have been
a place near the northern and eastern border of Aidhne.
Eochaidh Allat was King of the Gamanry, over the kingdom of
Irrusdomnonn, comprising Clann Umoir tribes north of Aidhne, in
the kingdom of the Hy Briuin Seola, and the lands afterwards of the
Conmaicne in the county of Galway, all the counties of Mayo and
Sligo, with the lands of the Gregry and Calry in the counties of
Roscommon and Leitrim, according to the bounds given, from the
Eiver of Galway to the rivers Duff and Drowse. But we must
believe that most of the minor clans gave but slight allegiance to the
Gamanry in the period now opening, as so great a kingdom would
have always predominated in Connaught if its tribes had acted
together. The bounds are likely to have been handed down by very
ancient tradition, and I should take it to have been really the county
of Mayo and the countries of the Calry at this time.
Tinni, son of Curaidh, was King of the Tuatha Taiden, whose
kingdom comprised the Plain of Sanb, not identified, and the lands of
the Tuatha Taiden, from the Palace of Fidach towards Tara. It
seems to represent what was afterwards the great kingdom of Hy
Many in its largest extent, and may have included the country after-
wards called the Three Tuatha and most of Magh Ai.
The Fir Craibe are the chief family of the Clann Umoir, who
occupied nearly all their kingdom and part of that of Irrusdomnonn.
From this family came Brian, ancestor of the Hy Briuin of Ai, who
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 7
has been given a false pedigree, and the Conmaicne and Ciarraige
tribes of Connaught, except the Conmaicne of Moyrein and Annaly,
who were not in Connaught as known in early times.
The Gamanry and the Clan Morna branch I believe to be the
ancestors of the northern Hy Fiachrach, whose Fiachra ancestor has
been wrongly identified with the Fiachra ancestor of the Hy Fiachrach
Aidhne, who have been made descendants of his grandson, Eochaidh
Breac. The Hy Fiachrach Aidhne seem to be of the Clann Umoir
i-ace from which Brian sprang. In O'Conors, O'Dowdas, O'Kellys,
and O'Heynes, we may recognise these ancient families.
Fir Oraibe, Gamanry, and Tuatha Taiden are called Olnegmacht,
whence the early name of the province of Connaught.
The detailed reasons for these views will be found in the Appendix,
and an explanation of the manner in which the royal families changed
their tribal names, and developed fresh territorial groups, is set out
in an article in the Journal of the Galway Arcliccological and Historical
Society, vol. iv. p. 99.
Some probably historical facts relating to Mayo in this period may
be gleaned from legends and references in the poems recounting the
exploits of the Red Branch Heroes and the great wars between Ulster
and Connaught. The wars seem to be historical, and the principal
persons may be taken to have existed, though there is great doubt
regarding their relations with each other.
Eochaidh Feidhlech and his brother, Eochaidh Airemh,who succeeded
him as King of Ireland according to the poets and annalists, seem to
have been kings of Meath and Teffa, a branch of the Domnonians of
Connaught which sank about this time, but revived under Tuathal
Techtmar.
Eochaidh Allat, King of the Gamanry, was King of Connaught at
this period, and is reputed to have built Rathcroghan, which was
called from him Rath Eochaidh. This must refer to the great Rath
of Croghan, as the place seems to have been for many ages held
by the Domnonian kings of Connaught, as the earliest Milesians and
some of the Danonians are said to have been buried in the Releg of
Croghan. 1
Tinni, son of Curaidh, King of the Tuatha Taiden, killed Eochaidh
Allat, and became King of Connaught.
Eochaidh Allat was succeeded by Ailill Finn as King of the
Gamanry — that is, of Iri-usdomnonn. Their relationship does not
appear. Ailill is said to have married Flidais, daughter of Ailill
Dubh, son of Fidach, son of Fiach. Ailill's ancestry is uncertain,
^ The name of Cruachan seems to be drawn from the high mound which
formed a kind of citadel within the great rath, the Little Peak or Rick. From
such a citadel Cruachan came to be used as a name for a king's fort (//. R.S.A.I.,
xxxi. p. 35).
8 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
except that his mother was Magu of jMuiTisk. Her pedigree is equally
unknown. She is stated to have married Ailill, son of Cairbre Fir da
Loch,^ and Cairbre Cennderg.^ Her seven sons were men of note,
namely, Ailill Finn, Get, Anluan, Mogcorb, Toca, Scandal, Anfind,
Fergal. There is much confusion in pedigrees from identity of names.
Magu may have been the name of many other women. Her daughter,
or the daughter of a Magu, by name Mata, was mother of Cairbre
Niafer and of Finn File and of Ailill, King of Leinster, who has
been confused with Ailill, the husband of Queen Meave. Fergal is
said to have married a daughter of Eochaidh Feidhlech.
Tinni married the celebrated Meave, Medb, daughter of Eochaidh
Feidhlech, who after his death married Ailill Mor, King of the
Tuatha Taiden, who succeeded Tinni as King of Connaught. In
their time occurred the Tain Bo Cuailgne. Several Ailill Mors of
this period have been confused.
Fergus MacRoigh, having been driven out of Ulster, was received
by Ailill and Meave, and played a principal part on behalf of Con-
naught in the War of the Tain. He comes into Mayo history only
if the Tale of the Tain Bo Flidais be based on fact, according to
which Fergus started from Croghan to attack Ailill Finn's dun,
which was in the country of Cairbre in the north of the Ciarraige,
and was reached immediately after passing over Ath Feni. The situa-
tion answers to that of Ailech Mor at Castlemore Costello. Fergus
killed Ailill and his sons, and carried off Flidais and her cattle.
Though Ailill of the Gamanry was in that dun, it does not follow
that it was the heritable property of the Gamanry clan. He may
have occupied it only as King of Irrusdomnonn.
Ferdiad was a warrior of distinction, second only to Cuchulain,
who was his greatest friend since the days when they Avere together
in Scathach's military school in Scotland. Meave induces him, much'
against his will, to engage in duel with Cuchulain, who is defending
the ford. Cuchulain kills him after a long fight, and the ford is
called after him Ath Firdiad, Ardee to-day. He is called MacDaire
MacDaman, chief of the clan Dega, a branch of the Gamanry. In
Mr. O'Grady's " History of Ireland in the Heroic Period," he is said
to have lived at Moytura, described as the seat of the kings of Irrus-
domnonn, " where they held their games and solemn assemblies and
interred their kings." If Mr. O'Grady has found this distinctly stated
in a legend, it follows that some of the Gamanry were settled in the
country afterwards occupied by Conmaicne, and the fair of Ballin-
challa may have originated in those games.
The Clann Umoir appear in these legends in a curious way. The
1 O'Flaherty, " Ogygia," p. 2G!).
2 " Death of Sons of Usnech," Irische Texte, 2nd series, Pt. U.
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 9
stoi'y handed down thus is that they are Firbolg who went to the
Western Isles of Scotland after the first battle of Moytura, and about
this time returned to Ireland and were allowed by Cairbre Niafer
to settle in the best parts of Breg upon agreements to pay rent,
Conall Cearnach and Cuchulain of Ulster, Cet MacMagach of Con-
naught, and Curoi MacDare of Munster or Leinster being their
svireties. They throw up their tenancies, and are allowed by Queen
Meave to settle in Connaught, where they built the great drystone
forts. Their sureties, being called upon by Cairbre, attack them and
kill each a chieftain. This seems to point to a real event, that before
Cairbre Niafer's time the Clann Umoir — that is, the race of Fiach or
Fir Craibe — had been for a time dominant in Breg and had settled
some families there, who in his time were driven out or subdued, as I
have suggested more fully in Appendix I. These stories evidently
were invented after the gi-owth of the Milesian legend to explain the
presence of MacUmoirs in Breg and in Westmeath. The attack on
them is useless, as it leaves matters as they were. But the stories
show their presence aloug the western seaboard of Connaught at this
very early period.
A Medon of this clan is supposed to have given his name to Inish-
maine, and I suppose to Mag Medoin, or the country about Inish-
maine and Kilmaine.
At the death of Ailill Mor a war of succession ensued. His son
Maine Aithremal, supported by the people of Croghan, the Tuatha
Taiden, the Fir Craibe, and others, defeated Sanb, son of Cet Mac
Magach, supported by the descendants of Magach, the Clann Umoir,
and others. The Fir Craibe were of the Clann Umoir, but I take
them to be a tribe of that race which had developed into a group of
clans like the Silmurray, and that a number of the old clans retaining
the old tribe name supported Sanb. We know that in later times
Clann Umoir occupied much of Sanb's kingdom of Irrusdomnonn.
Maine reigned for thirty-four years.
Sanb succeeded him as King of Connaught. For these events in
Connaught, O'Flaherty's " Ogygia " is my chief authority, considered
with extant legends and tales, and modified in accordance with my
own interpretation.
The events known as the Attacottic Revolutions fell out in the
period between the death of Meave and the accession of Tuathal in
A.D. 130. In my opinion, much of the confusion and obscurity of the
accounts of these events is due to the attempts of the Irish historians
to reconcile Eremonian genealogy and legend with facts which they
could not ignore, that Firbolg kings reigned at this period in countries
which Eremonians should have held. Tuathal Techtmaremerges as king
of a new and great kingdom of Meath, and history becomes less obscure.
10 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The Attacots of Irish history are not the Attacots of Roman history.
Attacotti seems to represent the Irish words Aitec tuata, which O'Curry
transhxtes, " lent-paying tribes." I prefer " tributary tribes," as
O'Curry's explanation does not restrict the meaning to rent in our
sense of the term. The Roman Attacotti seem to have been Celtic
clans dwelling south of the wall of Antoninus, who submitted to the
Roman Empire, and in the period of its weakness in the fourth cen-
tury made raids on the Empire in company with the Pict.s, who were
the Gael or Cruithne of Alba living north of the wall, and the Scots,
who were ruling families of the Irish. Aitec tuata distinguished
them from the free tribes of the same race to north of the wall.
The Irish writers called all clans not descended from Breogan by
this name, and applied it to members of the Clanna Breogain who
had lost rank in various ways. According to this classification all the
Domnonian kings were Attacots, and so were all the provincial kings
during the revolutionary period except the kings of Ulster.
Cairbre Cinnchait, who was made King of Ireland on the first occa-
sion, seems to be Cairbre, son of Maine, King of the Tuatha Taiden.
' On the second occasion, Sanb, King of Connaught, is said to have
taken part in setting up Elim, King of Ulster, as King of Ireland.
Tuathal Techtmar now appeals, alleged to have taken refuge Avith
his grandfather, the King of Alba, and to have landed in Irrusdomnonn
with a large force from Alba. Fiachaidh Caisinn, who had been
levying Avar against Elim, joined him. This Fiachaidh is called a
Son of Donn Desach — that is, an O'Conmaic. They killed Elim near
Taia, and aftemvards killed Sanb at Duma Selca in Mag Ai, when
Sanb was in extreme old age. Eochy, son of Cairbre, was made
King of Connaught in his place. Eochy is the last of the Tuatha
Taiden, or Hy Maine race, Avho is recognised as King of Connaught.
Tuathal is said to have fought battles in Ceara and Umall and
Cruachan Aigle, among 133 battles fought all over Ireland in subdu-
ing Attacots.
He seems to have revived the poAver of the Domnonian or Firbolg
clans of Meath. Those clans I suspect to have been those called
Delbhna and Luighne and Cianachta, or cognate tribes. Unless all
known facts of Irish history are disregarded, he must have been head
of a group of clans. I take him to haA'e been the representatiA'e of
the Danonian kings, the head of the Tuatha De Danann bi"anch of
the Domnonian or Firbolg race in Meath. He died about the year
a.d'. 160.
He is said to haA^e transplanted Attacottic tribes about Ireland.
This also is not easy to believe. The Book of Ballymote and Duald
MacFii'bis giA^e lists of forty-six Free Tribes Avho Avere extinguished
by the Rent-paying Tribes, and of forty-seven Ren1>paying Tribes,
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 11
and the positions occupied by the latter, whereof I give so much as
concerns Irrusdomnonn and the adjoining countries, from O'SuUivan's
Introduction to O'Curry's " Manners and Customs of the Ancient
Irish," I. p. xxvii.
"The Rent-paying Tribes were distributed throughout all Eriu, and
the bondage rule of the lords of Eriu was established over them after
they had distributed them, uf est hie. . . .
" Tuath Sen Cheneoil in Noi'thern Ui Maine. The Tuath Conco-
barni and of the Sons of Timor upon Ui Briuin, and around Loch
Cim4, and in Cluain Fuiche. Tuath Resen upon the Conmaicni, from
Ath ]\Iogho to the sea. The Tuath Mic Timor in TImall. Tuath Fer
Domnann in the country of Ceara and in Tli Amalgad, and in Tli
Fiachrach North, from the Rodb to the Congnaig in Carpri of Drom-
cliabh. Tuath Cruithnech in ]\Iagh Aei, and Magh Lurg, from Loch
Ce to Brogail, and to the Shannon.
" Tuath Crecraighe in Luighni of Connacht and around Loch Techad,
and about Corann and about Bernas of Tir Oililla, as far as Magh
Turedh."
Tuath Resen appear in another part of the list as Tuath Resent
TImoir.
The allegation that conqviered tribes were moved shows us that
Cromwell's policy of transplantation into Connaught was an attempt
to govern Ireland according to Irish ideas, though he did not adopt
the policy for popularity's sake, and does not appear to have absorbed
other Irish ideas of government.
After Sanb the kings of Irrusdomnonn disappear from the list of
kings of Connaught until Aid, son of Gai-ad, who is the last recognised
Domnonian king.
After the death of Eochy, son of Cairbre, five generations of kings
of Connaught of the Fir Craibe race are recognised.
Irrusdomnonn and Mayo drop out of sight for a time.
Conn Cedcathach set up Crimthann Culbuide as King of Leinster,
Cumall deposed him. Conn called in Conall Cruachna (K.C.), and
Aedh MacMorna, the chief of the Gamanry. They defeated Cumall
and his Munster allies in the battle of Cnucha, where Aedh killed
Cumall, but lost an eye, whence he was called Goll.
Eogan Mor, alias Mogh Nuadhat, and his father, ]\Iogh Neid, King
of Munster, attacked Conn, who was joined by the same allies. In a
battle in Magh Siuil, in ISTorthern Eile, Goll killed Mogh Neid. They
followed Eogan to Carnbuide, supposed to be near Cork, where Eogan
was defeated again by Goll and Conall, whom he tried to surprise in
camp. Eogan fled to Spain, and Munster was divided between two
kings, Conaire and MacNiadh.
After nine years Eogan came again with 2000 Spaniards. The
12 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
kings of Munster submitted to him. The King of Leinster joined
them. The two kings of Ulster attacked Conn, who abandoned Tara
and joined his allies in Connaiight. Eogan came by Athlone into
Magh Ai. Conn and his allies encamped at the Mound of the Well
of Tulsk, opposite to Eogan. Conn there made peace by accepting
Eogan's terms, that he should have half of Ireland. Thus originated
the division of Ireland into Leath Cuinn and Leath Mogha.
Eogan's Spaniards wanted to go home. Eogan feared that without
them he could not make head against Conn, so picked a quarrel by
making extortionate demands, denounced the peace, and assembled his
forces at Magh Leana, round Tullamore in King's County. Eochy
Muinderg, King of Ulster, attacked Tara. Conn returned from Con-
naught with Conall Cruachna's sons, Eochy Whiteknee and Fiachaidh
Whitehand, sons of Crimhthann Culbuide, King of Aichill and Umall,
and of Gairech, daughter of Criomall, and other allies, and saved Tara
by defeating and killing Eochy. Thence they marched to Magh Leana.
Eogan's force was so much the larger that Conn asked for terms and
offered to surrender Ulster and keep only Connavight and Teffa and
the profits of Tara.
Lest it should seem like suing for peace, he made the offer not by
poets but by the two sons of Crimhthann, King of Umall. Eogan
asked them if they came as ho.stages. They said no, and that they
did not believe that Conn meant the terms to be accepted. Thereupon
Eogan hanged them.
Conn heard of this in the evening and prepared a night attack, as
his forces were small. Goll MacMorna refused to join, as he was under
vow never to make a night slaughter or attack, but promised to help
Conn if Eogan pressed him.
At dawn Conn surprised Fraoch's camp and killed him before he
could put on his armour. Fraoch was Eogan's brother-in-law and
leader of the Spaniards. Eogan made a furious attack on Conn.
Goll, supported by his thirty brothers, came forward and covered
Conn. Eogan wounded Conall Cruachna so that Conall died within a
year. Conn and Eogan wounded each other. Other kings rushed in
upon Eogan, who was fighting with Goll, and raised him aloft on their
spears. Then his army fled. Conn could not pursue. His losses
Avere said to have been greater than Eogan's.
The sovereignty of Munster was again divided between Conaire
and MacNiadh, and Conn was for twenty years undisputed King of
Ireland. He is allowed a reign of thirty-four years, ending about
A.D. 157 or 212, according to different computations; the latter is
probably the more accurate. This important battle may be dated
about A.D. 190.
In all these events we find Conn, and afterwards we find his descen-
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 13
dants, relying on Connaught to support their pretensions to be
kings of Ireland. Here Conn has the support of his foster-father,
Conall of the race of Fiach, who is recognised as the King of
Connaught.
But Aedh or Goll MacMorna is the greater figure in the legends.
At this time appear the Fianna, who are said to have been three
organised bodies in Leinster, Connaught, and Munster. No such
body is ascribed to Ulster. The descriptions show that they were
organised bodies of soldiers, and it is supposed that they were an
imitation of the Roman Legion. But they existed, by the name of
Fianna, for only a short time.
The Connaught Fianna were called the Gamanry, and were com-
manded by Goll MacMorna. Also they were called Clann Morna, but
these terms apply only to their commanders. As the only Connaught
force is under the kings of Irrusdomnonn, we should expect that the
sovereignty of Connaught would be held by those kings during the
period in which they made much show in legend. So also in Leinster
their commanders, Cumall and Finn, were not kings of Leinster. It
seems stranger still that there were no Fianna of Meath. The ex-
planation which commends itself to me is that they were bodies of
Gallowglasses such as appeared in the fifteenth and sixteenth cen-
turies, but then under command of adventurers who were not
inhabitants of the province, Free Companies who sold their services
to any one who could raise their wages. I take the Fianna to have
been similarly drilled and trained as professional soldiers under
permanent commanders, but raised by each chieftain out of his own
people. All maintained them in some form or other — at least the
great chieftains would do so — but some made more show than others,
and have survived in legend because of the distinction of their com-
manders and the events in which they were concerned.
In the third century the King of Corann or Gailenga oi' Luighne
appears. King Cormac MacArt was closely connected with Corann,
so that he bore the name of Cormac of Corann. He is said to have
been born there and to have been brought up by his stepfather.
The persons now mentioned in connection with this country are
supposed to be closely related as follows : —
Felim Rechtmar.
Conn. Fiacha Sui glide.
I I
Art. Fiacha Raiclhe.
I I
Cormac. Fothad.
I
Luis^hni Firtri.
14 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Tims O'Flaherty gives the descent of Luiglnii Fiitri, " Ogygia,"
p. 333. According to another account, Luighni was son of Derraot.
There is another connection between those families and the Clann
Coin in tlie person of Trea, who was mother of Cormac MacArt and
married Luighni, called from lier Firtri, after the death of Art.
Conn. Cian.
I I
I I """ ' I
Art = Trea = Luighni Firtri. Tadho;.
Cormac (K.I.).
Cormac Gailen^.
NiaMor (K.C.). Lugad (K.C.).
From Luighni Firtri the Corco Firtri of Corann, from Cormac
Gaileng the O'Garas and O'Haras, are made to descend. From Cian
also the CJaileiisa and Luiijhne of Meath and the Cianachta of Meath
and Ulster are supposed to descend. We may believe that Luighni
Firtri and his sons and Cormac Gaileng did exist about this period,
and that they helped and were helped by Cormac MacArt. The
Gregry, who occupied all this territory and all or part of Tirerrill in
Tuathal Techtmar's time, and who appear again in St. Patrick's time,
seem to have been now eclipsed by the Corcofirtri. But I think
that no credit need be given to the alleged descent of the Corcofirtri
from Felim Rechtmar, or to that of Clann Cein from OilioU Olum.
Cormac attacked Aid, who was King of Connaught, and put up
Nia Mor in his place. Aid killed Nia Mor, whereupon King Cormac
came again and killed Aid, making Nia Mor's brother Lugad King of
Connaught. This Aid is the last King of Connaught of the race of
Fiach mentioned by O'Flaherty.
Cormac MacArt's son, Cairbre Liffeachair, King of Ireland,
quarrelled with the Fianna of Leinster under Finn MacCumal, who
defeated him. After Finn's death they took service with Moghcorb,
King of Munster, and gave battle to Cairbre and the Clann Morna
at Gabhra in a.d. 284. The victory was with Cairbre, though he was
killed. The Fianna on both sides were almost exterminated, and
were not formed again. Aid, son of Garad Glunduff, King of
Connaught, commanded the Clann Morna. Aid followed Moghcoi-b
and killed him in the battle of Spaltrach in Muskerry. Aid is suc-
ceeded by Condeus (a Latinised name) of the Corcofirtri. Thus the
Olnegmacht kings of Connaught disappear from history, and their
place is taken by the Milesians. Cian, son of Garad, King of the
Sencheneoil, is mentioned in the legend of the Hy Maine. He
seems to have been king of the old kingdom of the Tuatha Taiden.
But we have no further indications regarding him. Thus closes what
I may call the Olnegmacht or Firbolg period of Connaught's history.
CHAPTER II.
THE EARLY MILESIAN PERIOD.
CoNNAUGHT liistory is broken in the middle of the fourth century,
Muredach Tirech, of the Eremonian race of Meath, appears as King
of Connaught after Condeus of the Corcofirtri, and is succeeded by
his son, Eochaidh Muighmhedhoin. Both are recognised as kings of
Meath and of Ireland. Neither seems to have had any local con-
nection with Connaught, except that the latter is called " of Mag
Medhoin," which may be the country about Kilmaine. In their
times the ancient kingdoms of the Fir Craibe and of the Gamanry
disappear from view. On Eochy's death his son Brian Orbsen is
King of Connaught, and his son Fiachra is king of the territories
of the Fir Craibe and of the Ferdomnonn.
Fiachra transfers the Fir Craibe kingdom, except Aidhne, to
Munster, as an eric for the murder of Crimhthann Mor by his sister,
mother of Brian, Fiachra, and Ailill ; or in bis time Conall Echluath
conquered it, unless Conall's father, Lughaidh Menu, had done so
already. These transactions and the transformations of Connaught
clans are discussed in the Journal of the R. S. A. I., vol. xxx. I am
inclined to think that the kingdom of Fir Craibe did not include more
of the county of Clare than the eastern part along the Shannon
occupied by Clann Umoir tribes in the Attacottic list, and that the
conquest was no more than the establishment of supremacy of the
king of the Ua Cathbharr and Ua Corra ti'ibes over them. It is
quite likely that O'Flaherty's and Keating's extents of the Fir
Craibe kingdom are based on the same authority, and that the Fir
Craibe territory did not really extend south of Aidhne, that the
error is due to the identification of Fiachra of Magh Tail with the
Fiachra of the north.
In Ulster a like state arises. Muredach Tirech became King of
Ireland by driving out Colla Uais and his brothers, who retire to
Scotland. After three years they return and are well received by
Muredach, who advises them to conquer for themselves a settlement
in Ulster. With his help, and that of a large force from Connaught,
they destroy Emain Macha and settle themselves in Ulster about
A.D. 331, and develop into the tribes of the Oirghialla.
IG THE EARLY fllSTOHY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
If these changes are taken to have occurred, we must admit that
conditions existed in Ireland in the fourth century which have no
parallel before or after. As far as we can judge from the legends
of earlier and from the historical lecords of later centuries, the
political conditions of Ireland were the same from the time of Queen
Cleave to the twelfth century. Christianity only softened manners
and got rid of some savage customs.
No one could be king of a province, or of a main division thereof,
without the support of a large group of families closely related to
each other, and forming the foundation of their chief's power over
other tribes. The descendants of kings spread over the land, indeed,
but by very slow degrees, encroaching on less powerful clans.
Ulster suffers soon another conquest. After the death of Kiall
of Nine Hostages, his son Laegaire is King of ]SIeath and King of
Ireland in succession to Dathi, but his sons Eogan and Conall Gulban
are settled in North Ulster, where they leave dominant clans. That
the Oirghialla clans of the north would have submitted quietly
is incredible, and Meath could not have imposed them violently on
that distant part of Ulster. After the fifth century, when the High
Kings were of Meath and Connaught alternately, the Hy Neill of
Ulster provided almost all the High Kings for 150 years. If Niall
of Nine Hostages is the Niall who was buried at Ochaine, it follows
as almost a certainty that he was a King of Ulster, and was not son
of a King of Meath and Connaught.
In Munster a somewhat similar condition is found, where the
King of Munster is genei'ally of the Eoghanacht and only occasionally
of the Dalcais race.
In Connaught the chief kings come from Hy Briuin and Hy
Fiachrach, north and south, until the former establish a supre-
macy.
In no case is there satisfactory evidence of the alleged origin of
the rival families. In that of Ulster we should infer from analogy
that Eogan sprang from the Oirghialla, the tribe of Ulster which
had grown strong enough to drive the Dal Araidhe from Emain.
In that of Munster we should infer that Lugaid Menu and Conall
Echluath were kings of the ancient Ua Cathbharr and Ua Corra
tribes who occupied nearly all Thomond.
The confusion of this and of earlier periods seems to have arisen
when the Milesian genealogy was framed some hundreds of years
later. The spread of Christianity over all Ireland duiing the fifth
century must have made the use of letters general. To bring great
families together whose real origin had been lost for ages, the genea-
logists had to go back to times before wiitten record, when they could
nail a branch on a convenient place in the tree. Thus, I take it, they
THE EARLY MILESIAN PERIOD. 17
brought the principal kings of Meath and Ulster and Connaught
together in the person of Eochy Moyvane in the fourth century.
It has been so long accepted, and, subject to these considerations,
so well expresses the relationships of the tribes of each province towards
each other, that it must be used for the historical period.
The case of Connaught has to be set out as we find it at the close
of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century, when a fairly accurate
history begins.
As the Fir Craibe kings had for several generations eclipsed the
Gamanry and Tviatha Taiden kings in the sovereignty of Connaught,
so now the kings of Irrusdomnonn, afterwards called the kings of the
Hy Fiachrach, predominate in Connaught, holding the sovereignty of
Ireland alternately with the kings of Meath, and sharing that of
Connaught with the Hy Briuin during the fifth century. During the
first half of the sixth centviry, when they no longer attain to the
sovereignty of Ireland, they keep the sovereignty of Connaught in the
line of Ailill Molt. After that time their power declines quickly.
At this time their power seems to have been based upon their
immediate possessions of great extent, which were in my opinion the
countries of Carra and Tirawley and Erris, inhabited by Ferdomnonn
clans, whose names do not appear, save that of the Corcu Temne in
the north of Carra^ and a clan of Calry about Magh Eleog, now repre-
sented by Moylaw in Crossmolina parish, and the mass of Calry who
occupied Coolcarney in Mayo and all Tireragh and Carbury in Sligo,
and the baronies of Rossclogher and Dromahaire in Leitrim, and the
country of Moylurg in Roscommon, and a part of Corran.
The power of Fiachra, Dathi, Ailill Molt, and their immediate
successors seems to have been based upon the support of the Calry, as
the royal tribe which had grown up during their period of obscurity.
As the O'Conors left the Silmurray and began to settle in other parts
of the country, so I suppose these kings, while resting on the great
mass of their own tribe, moved into Carra and Tii-awley and began to
settle their relations upon the older clans in those regions. Their loss
of power after the middle of the sixth century may be due to various
causes. The tribes forming the foundation of their power were very
much scattered. The rising power of the Hy Neill of Ulster at this
time enabled them to impose themselves upon Carbury, while the
tribe from which O'Rourks and O'Reillys came imposed itself upon
the Calry of the County Leitrim. They dropped a clan in Corran,
whose position I cannot ascertain. The Calry of Moylurg were of
some importance, as they are recorded to have been fighting in
751 and 811 (A.U.) with the Hy Briuin of Ai, who eventually
suppressed them.
The Gregry are still a great race. The Gailenga and Luighne
B
18 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
have not yet come into sight as tribes. The Gailenga and the Hy
Ailello are mentioned in the Annals of Ulster for the first time in the
note of the battle of Lorg in 742. But the Hy Ailello appear from
Tirechan's notes to have borne that name in St. Patrick's time. The
Luighne first appear in 770 (A.U.) in a note of the death of a chieftain.
The Hy Ailello disappear after 791 (A.U. ), when they are defeated by
the Ui Briuin. Their previous appearances are fights with Gailenga,
Gregry, Luighne, in 752, 788, 789 (A.U.). The name Gailenga seems
to have been the most general name, denoting that they belonged to
the Fir Gaileoin race. This eventually adhered rather to the !Muinter
Gadhra division. Gregraige denotes a clan descended from Greg or
Grec, which held supremacy. Corcofirtri is another section, Luighne
yet another, which was used to denote the whole kingdom when the
O'Haras gained ascendency. As we know that the Gregry once
extended over Tirerrill, and as we find the Hy Ailello there at this
time, and cannot regard their alleged descent from a son of Eochy
Moyvane as deserving credit, it is, I think, safe to take them to
have been a section of the Gregry. At some time a split occurred in
the tribe of the Gregry, which divided itself into two independent
kingdoms of Gregry and Luighne, whom we find in the Book of
Rights paying tribute in the proportion of two to five. If we take
the kingdom of the Gregry to have comprised the baronies of Coolavin
and Tirerrill or thereabouts, and that of the Luighne to have comprised
the rest of the territory, the tributes are fairly apportioned.
Umall was the baronies of Murrisk and Burrishoole or thereabouts,
inhabited by Clann Umoir families, from whom came Clann Maille,
whose alleged descent from Brian Orbsen is contradicted by the Book
of Rights. With such a descent the King of Umall would not have
paid tribute. His full title was once " King of Aicill and Umall," i.e.
of Highland and Lowland.^
The Partraige were of the Clann Umoir. According to O'Flaherty
they were in three divisions : —
1. Of Odba Ceara, who in historical times are known only in the
parish of Ballyovey, Baile Odhbha. They may have been in those of
Ballintubber and Ballyheane in St. Patrick's time.
2. Of the Mountain, from Croaghpatrick to Lough Corrib. Here I
think O'Flaherty took Aicill to be only Croaghpatrick, or the country
immediately round it. From Aicill to Lough Corrib would be the
barony of Ross.
3. Of the Lake. Cong was in their counti'y.
Thus they occupied country possessed first by Tuath Resent Umoir
and afterwards by Conmaicne, but shrank much from their early
importance. The Book of Rights puts their king on an equality with
1 " Battle of Magh Leana," p. 87.
THE EARLY MILESIAN PERIOD. 19
the kings of Silmurray, Hy Briuin, and the Hy Fiachrachs, as he
receives a stipend but pays no tribute.
Next comes a group of three tribes, the Conmaicne, the Ciarraige,
and the Corcamoga, the original Connachta, who have given their
name to the province. These I take to have sprung from the Fir
Craibe kings of Connaught, and the Conmaicne to be more especially
the tribe over which Brian Orbsen and his immediate successors
presided until the growth of the Silmurray afforded a fresh base
of power.
The barony of Clanmorris, excepting the parish of Balla, which
was in Carra, cannot be ascribed to any of the early tribes. The
descendants of Xechtan and Enna, sons of Brian Orbsen, were settled
here. This country appears very late in legend and history, and then
only as Tir Nechtain and Tir Enna. From MacFirbis's Great Book
of Genealogies we learn that Tir Nechtain took its name from Brian's
son Nechtan, and that the Cinel Enna came from Enna.
The Conmaicne were in three divisions : —
1. Conmaicne of Cuil Tolad, in the barony of Kilmaine, south of
the Robe, and in the barony of Ross.
2. Conmaicne Mara, in the barony of Ballynahinch.
3. Conmaicne of Dunmore, or Cinel Dubain, in the barony of
Dunmore and part of Ballymoe, and at least the parish of Belclare.
The Corcamogha made no show in history. In late days they were
in the parishes of Clonbern and Kilkerrin. Their alleged descent
from Fergus MacEoigh places them among the Connachta. I am now
of opinion that they are the Corca of the Woods, that they are the
Sencheneoil, and that they come from the Tuatha Taiden.
The Ciarraige were in four divisions : —
1. Ciari-aige Ai or of Magh Ai, in the barony of Castlereagh except
the parish of Ballintubber.
2. Ciarraige of Artech, which was the parishes of Kilnamanagh
and Tibohine in Roscommon, and those of Kilcolman and Castlemore
in Roscommon and Mayo.
3. Ciarraige of Loch na nAirneadh, Mannin Lake, or Ciarraige
lochtar, in the eastern and southern part of the parish of Aghamore,
and in Bekan and Annagh.
4. Ciai-raige Uachtar, in the rest of Aghamore, and in Knock.
The county of Mayo therefore consisted of fragments of kingdoms
and tribes, whereof the Hy Fiachi-ach were the principal. The events
affecting it are mainly those in connection with their kings, and are
generally connected with the quarrels between them and the Hy
Briuin kings.
The Hy Briuin, as already observed, were immediate kings of the
Connachta, but where they lived when not in power in Croghan does
20 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
not appear. If they did not live among the Conmaicne, and if Brian
was in truth an ancestor of the O'Flaherties, which is by no means
certain, the barony of Clare may have been their usual abode.
This view has in its favour the Book of Rights, which mentions the
Hy Briuin among the royal tribes as distinct from the Silmurray,
and suggests that the general name clung to them when Silmurray
grew up.
The Three Tuaths, Hy Briuin na Sinna, Corcachland, and Cinel
Dobhtha, claimed descent from Ere Derg, son of Brian. But the
Book of Armagh and the Tripartite Life make it clear that they came
from Ere, son of Bron, of the Corca Chonluain. Descendants of the
Ere from whom they came seem to be the Maicne Ere, sons of Heric,
who were in Moylurg in St. Patrick's time. These appear to be the
Hy Broin, who Avere distinguished from Hy Briuin by Tirechan, who
calls them [Filii] Briuin and Filii Broin. Though they do not descend
from Brian, it is not unlikely that the Corca Chonluain had a common
ancestor with the Conmaicne, and so being of the royal race, were not
under tribute, being included in the direct dominions of the King
of Silmurray, as the Calry are omitted because immediately under
the Hy Fiachrach kings, as I suppose. Beyond this we know not
who were in possession of the rest of Magh Ai and of the Three
Tuaths.
Next south of Magh Ai came the Delbhna of Sid Nenta, or
Delbhna Nuadat, who occupied the country southwards from Fairy-
mount to Maghfinn between the Suck and the Shannon.
Delbhna Tire Da Loch occupied the barony of Moycullen, and
Delbhna Cuile Fabhair the country adjoining them and to the east
of Galway. It is not now possible to say which of these groups was
meant in the Book of Rights, probably the Roscommon group. The
latter are likely to have been treated as in Hy Briuin territory.
The Delbhna Nuadhat and the Corcamogha are included within
the traditional bounds of the kingdom of Hy Many, which, like those
of the kingdom of Irrusdomnonn, seem to have been handed down from
a very early time. Though the Delbhna and the Corca are pla,ced
separately vxnder tribute to the King of Connaught, they may have
been politically bound to the King of Hy Many.
Taking the Corca^ as suggested above, to be representatives of
the Tuatha Taiden and of the Sencheneoil, and taking into considera-
tion the heavy tribute assessed on them in the Book of Rights, I
suppose them to have occupied the Corcamogha and Sodhan territories
of later times, and a good deal more, the northern part of the
kingdom of Hy Many, and I take O'Mainnin, King of Sodan, to be
their representative.
The Hy Many occupied lands in the southern part of their kingdom
THE EARLY MILESIAN PERIOD. 21
at this time, but details are not clear. They certainly settled clans
in Moenmagh at a very early date in the fifth or sixth centvn-ies.
Gaela, which O'Donovan considered to be near Loughreagh, was
their chief dwelling. They settled themselves in the old Cathry
territory.
In the Book of Rights their tribute is least of all, but the stipend
is like that of other kings. The small tribute may be due to their
being so powerful that they could not be made to pay more than a
trifle when they lost the position of a tribe which might aspire to
provide a King of Connaught.
Aidhne was the country between the Hy Many or Cathry and the
sea as far north as the neighbourhood of Athenry. The inhabitants
Avere Clann Umoir tribes at this time, even if Eoghan Aidhne was
not of that race, tacked on to Eochaidh Breac, son of Dathi. These
Hy Fiachrach kings were powerful, and in the sixth and seventh
centuries were often kings of Connaught.
The historical kingdom of Brefne had not yet come into exist-
ence. It was included in the kingdom of Meath, except the Calry
of Dromahaire and Dartry or Rossclogher. When the ancestors
of the O'Rourks and O'Reillys formed it with the help of the Con-
maicne, they attached themselves to Connaught, and eventually were
strong enough to make four O'Rourk kings of Connaught in the tenth
and eleventh centuries. The alleged descents of Hy Briuin of Brefne
and Conmaicne from Brian Orbsen and from Conmaicne of Dunmore
must be regarded as fictitious.
These are approximately the conditions of Connaught kingdoms
about the year a.d. 400, from which grew slowly those which will be
found in the year a.d. 1200.
As all Irish history turns on tribal relations, and so many tribes
are mentioned in connection with events in which Mayo men were
concerned, I give tables of descents according to Milesian Genealogies,
and tables of the relations of early tribes according to my own views,
and lists of the Domnonian and Milesian kings of Connaught. The
O'Conor and O'Dowda families are given in detail because they wei^e
much mixed in warfare, and because the latter is the principal family
of Mayo, which had a measure of real independence.
Dr. J. O'Donovan, who translated and edited the Book of Rights,
held it to have been composed in the time of Cormac Mac Cuileannain,
King of Cashel from 901 to 908, and to have been probably revised
in the time of Brian Boro, but to have been based on a record drawn
up by St. Benen in the fifth century. It is of interest as showing
what a ninth or tenth century historian, working from the King of
Munster's point of view, ascertained to be the rights and obligations
of the kings of Ireland and of the provinces, and of the kings of tribes
22 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
under the provincial kings. Tlie following lists give the tributes and
stipends of the Connaught kings, taken from the poetry, which is
considered to he older than the prose portion. Poetry and prose go
over the same ground, but vary slightly.
Tributes payable to the King of Connaught by the Kings of Tribes.
Cows.
Oxen.
Hogs.
Cloaks.
Iron
Sbeep.
1. Umall .
2. Greagraidhe .
3. Conmaicne
4. Ciarraidlie
5. Luigbne .
6. Corca of the ^\'ood
7. Dealbbna
8. Ui Maine
100
100
200
100
350
140
150
100
100
150
350
100
60
80
60
150
350
150
80
100
GO
240
(;o
150
150
80
Cloaks or mantles
Red cloaks
350
1140
700
1030
1030
350 '
In connection with the tribute of iron siieep, note that O'Kelly's
iron was with the Hy Tuathaigh of Aughrim and with the Hy
Baedain of Badhna,i and that Aughrim is in the country where I
would place Sencheneoil or Corca of the Wood.
The stipends payable to these kings, and to the kings of I'oyal tribes
who paid no tribute, were as follows : —
1. Sil Muireadhaigh : a ring, a dress, a steed, a shield, a sword, a
coat of mail.
2. Umhall : 5 steeds, 5 swords, 5 ships, 5 coats of mail.
3. Dealbbna : 6 swords, 6 shields, 6 steeds, 6 tunics with gold,
6 drinking-horns.
4. Greagraidhe : 6 weapons, 6 tunics, 6 bondsmen, 6 bondswomen,
6 coats of mail.
5. Conmaicne: 10 drinking-horns, 10 steeds, 2 rings, 2 chessboards.
6. Ui Maine : 7 cloaks, 7 horses, 7 hounds, 7 deep-i-ed tunics.
7. Luighne : 10 steeds, 10 cloaks, 10 drinking-horns, 10 white
hounds.
8. Ui Briuin : 5 steeds, 5 matals, 5 swords, 10 drinking-horns, 10
bondsmen, 10 chessboards.
9. Corca of the Wood : 5 war-horses, .5 matals, 5 swords, 5 coats of
mail.
10. Partraidhe : 3 drinking-horns, 3 swords, 3 tunics, 3 steeds.
1 H.M., p. fU.
THE EARLY MILESIAN PERIOD. 23
11. Ui Fiachrach : 3 drinking-hoi'ns, 3 swords, 3 steeds, 10 rings,
10 chessboards.
12. Ceneal Aedha : 7 women, 7 bondsmen, 3 drinking-horns, 3
swords, 3 hounds.
But that the stipend of the king of the Partraidlie resembles those
of tlie kings of Hy Fiachrach, north and south (Ceneal Aedha),
except that the latter, being much the more powerful, get each two
additional items, I should suspect their name to be a mistake for that
of Ciarraidhe, who are left out, and who ought to receive a stipend.
On the other hand, they are not classed with the free tribes who had
privileges expressed thus —
" The Ui Briuin and Siol Muireadhaigh and the Ui Fiachrach and
the Cineal Aedha are free tribes, and they are equally noble as the
king, and they do not go upon an expedition or hosting except for
pay ; and they do not go into battle with the king but for reward ;
and if they be killed, and upon their being killed, the king is bound
to give eric to their king ; and when the kingdom [of Connacht] does
not belong to the race of Fiachra or Aedh or Guaire, the best man of
them is privileged to sit by the right shoulder of the King of Connacht.
If they happen to be in exile in another territory, they are to sit at
the right shoulder of the King of Caiseal, or of the King of Nas, or
of the Kins: of Emain Macha."
CHAPTER III.
THE FIFTH CENTllRY AND ESTABLISHMENT OF
CHRISTIANITY.
EocHY MoYVANE died in a.d. 365. His son, Brian Orbsen, is next
recognised as King of Connaught. Towaids the close of the century
he quarrelled with Fiachra, whom he made prisoner and put in
charge of Niall (Iv.I.). Dathi and Ere Cnlbuidhe defeated Brian at
Damhchluain, between Knockmaa and Conmaicne Cuile. Brian was
chased by their ally, Crimhthann, son of Enna Cennselach, to Tulcha
Domnaill, where he was killed and buried. St. Beo Aidh of Roscam
dug up his bones and buried, them at Roscam.
Brian's Druid, Drithliu, was killed on the shore of Lough Carra,
whetice Aenach Drithlind took its name. This was a royal fort of the
kingdom of Carra, ^ which I identify with the great dun near Liskillen.
Realin peninsula, on the shore of Lough Carra, preserves the Druid's
name.
Fiachra was released, became King of Connaught, invaded Munster
on behalf of King Niall, and died of his wounds on his way back to
Tara with hostages, who were buried alive round his fert at Forud in
Moyfenrath barony in Meath. It must be doubtful whether two
Fiachras have been confused here or not. But we may believe that
Dathi, son of Fiachra Foltsnathach, King of Irrusdomnonn, became
King of Connaught towards the close of the century by killing Brian,
and opening the succession for his father or himself.
Fairly accurate history begins in the fifth century, when the dates
become right with a year or so generally, and events are likely to
be correctly stated. During the fifth century we have little local
information, except about church affairs. Fights for sovereignty of
Connaught sum up the political history. For 150 years the descend-
ants of Fiachra of Irrusdomnonn were the rivals of those of Brian,
and decidedly predominated over them, as Dathi and Ailill Molt are
recognised as kings of Ireland.
At the beginning of the seventh century the Hy Fiachrach Aidhne
entered the field, and shared the sovereignty with the Hy Briuiu for a
hundred years. The Hy Fiachrach Moy held it again in the persons of
^ H.F., p. 205.
24
FNON IN THE 5™ CENTURY.
CloTunoLCnhise
STANFORD'S QEOORAPHIC/IL ESTABT, LONDON.
CONNAUGHT WEST OF THE SHANNON IN THE 5™ CENTURY.
Clonmacn >is«
The divisions rruark the priiicipaZ
Kingdoms approximately-
Tfie. rwjrus are those of the
Trihes anA Districts.
C
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. 25
Donogh of Murrisk and Indrechtach for a year or two each. Then
from 756 to 772 they held it for the last time. Henceforward it was
with the Hy Briuin Ai, save that the O'Rourks came in from time
to time in the eleventh century, and that an O'Flaherty held it for a
short time in a period of unusual disturbance.
He was acknowledged to be King of Connaught who was able to
seize and hold Cruachan and to take the hostages of the sub-kings.
Cruachan was abandoned after the death of Raghallach in 645. An
island in Lough na nEn, near Roscommon, was afterwards, down to the
Norman Conquest, a house of the King of Connaught.
The dates 1 have assigned are fairly correct. Different annals* give
different dates according to the synchronisms on which they are
based, but agree generally in the order and relative dates until they
become accurate within a small error.
Allowing Fiachra to have succeeded Brian, we find his son Dathi,
or Xathi, whose name was originally Feradach, established as King of
Connaught. He became King of Ireland at the death of Niall in
406, and Duach Galach, youngest son of Brian, became King of
Connaught. One of Dathi's brothers, Amalgaid or Ere Culbuidhe,
should have been King of Irrusdomnonn at this time, which it will
be most convenient to call hereafter the kingdom of the Hy Fiachrach,
as the former name is dropped by all Irish writers.
Duach Galach is an important person in this history, because
St. Patrick made his acquaintance, according to tradition, before he
became King of Connaught, and worked in the territories of the
Conmaicne and Ciarraige and of the Partry, and in Umall, and in
North Carra among the Corcutemne. He worked also in the countries
of the Delbhna and in Moy Ai and in Tirerrill. These are the countries
which were especially under the influence of Duach Galach. On the
other hand, he was wholly excluded from the countries under the
Hy Fiachrach, except those of the Corcutemne, and of the Calry east
of Ballysadare. Duach Galach was a Christian, and his son Eogan
Srebh was baptized by 8t. Patrick. He died in 427.
King Dathi's death is recorded in the same year. He " was killed
by a flash of lightning at Sliabh Ealpa." The account of his death
in the Alps mentions the battles fought by his army under command
of his son Amalgaid as they brought the body back to be buried in
the Releg of Cruachan, where the pillar stone set up at his grave
may still be seen. Sir Samuel Ferguson has identified the places
named in the tract, but the evidence does not seem to me to establish
the fact of such an invasion of the Roman Empire, which is not likely
to have escaped notice by Roman writers if it had occurred.
In Ballycroy in Erris is a mountain called Slieve Alp. Leaght-
dauhybaun is a cairn on a high mountain to the east of it, and more
26 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
to the east is n Lough Dauhybaun. Local tradition derived the name
Davihybaun from a " Fair David," a great robber who was killed by
soldiers some two hundred years ago.^ A common robber would not be
honoured by the great labour needed to place so great a monument at
so great a height. It is not likely that it was put up to commemorate
King Dathi, but if King Dathi was killed in that country the local tradi-
tion would affix his name to a great monument of forgotten origin. I
am inclined to believe that Dathi met his death in Ballyci'oy, and that
the legend was worked up by men who knew not this Slieve Alp.
The death of Duach Galach and the settlement of his brother Amalgaid
as King of Connaught would account for his presence here, chasing
enemies or their cattle.
Of St. Patrick's work in Mayo at this period the only fact that has
come down is in a note in Tirechan's collection in the Book of Armagh
to the effect that he went from Drummut Cerrigi, which is near Kil-
roddan, a little west of Lough Glynn, to Ailech Esrachtae in the north
of iSTarney, where he and eight or nine companions were threatened
by certain men. Hercaith of the race of Nothi intervened and saved
them. Hercaith was baptized with his son Feradach, whom he gave
to Patrick. Feradach studied with Patrick for thirty years, and was
ordained by Patrick in Rome. He was given a new name, Sachell.
He was a bishop who worked in Moy Ai, having a church at Baslick.
It is evident that Patrick had been working much in this country,
and that many churches had been established before his episcopal
tour. But we have no details of his work beyond the above, only
the inferences from general statements and references to churches
which consist only Avith an early period of work in Connaught.-
The accession of Laegaire as King of Ireland and of Amalgaid as
King of Connaught produced opposite effects in Meath and Con-
naught. Though not much of a Christian himself, even if ever
nominally Christian, Laegaire held St. Patrick in great respect and
gave him protection and freedom of preaching. Patrick seems to
have gone to Rome, or at least to Gaul, to report the good opportunity
of organising his congregations, and procured the appointment of
Palladius as bishop. Only when the Irish rejected Palladius did
Patrick accept the bishopric. There is no direct evidence that
Patrick procured Palladius's appointment. It is inference from the
facts. The Pope would not have sviperseded Patrick by sending a
bishop to rule the church in Ireland unless Patrick suggested it.
In or soon after the year 443, (St. Patrick made a tour in the
1 Proc. R.I. A., 3rd Series, vol. iv. p. lOS.
2 For reasons for ascribing to St. Patrick a period of work in Connaught
before 432, see my "Notes on the Early History of the Dioceses of Tuam, Killala,
and Achonrv."
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. 27
Christian parts of Connaught, accompanied by a train of bishops and
priests, founding new churches, visiting old churches, and leaving
bishops and priests in charge. It seems to have been an organising
tour. It has been suggested that the record in the Book of Armagh
is that of a tour made by Tirechan himself, into which he worked the
written and traditional information regarding places visited by St.
Patrick in the form of an Itinerary of St. Patrick. ^ This he has
done to some extent, but I am inclined to think that he also developed
some kind of earlier diary or abstract.
Patrick came from Clonmacnoise to the border of Moy Ai, where two
Druids who fostered the daughters of King Laegaire met him. They
are said to have used their magic art against him, which was ovei^come
by his prayers. The result was that he turned aside and went in the
direction of Kilglass to Kilmore. Considering Patrick's relations with
King Laegaire, I should expect these Druids to be well disposed
towards Patrick, and I therefore suggest that the fact may have been
that they met him to warn him not to enter Moy Ai, as King Amalgaid
would not countenance his preaching there.
From Moy Glass, the Kilmore country, he went to work in the
country of the Hy Ailello, and thence returned to Elphin and to
Shankill. In the meantime, as I suppose. King Amalgaid had been
induced to permit Patrick to work in Moy Ai, though he did not
receive him at Croghan. Patrick worked all round, but is not
mentioned as having been at Croghan or as having met Amalgaid.
On the other hand, it is evident that the resident lords and gentry
were willing to receive him, and especially the sons of King Brian.
We also find that Amalgaid's sons brought Patrick to their country
and were baptized soon after their father's death, not ten years
later.
So Patrick worked south to Fuerty, and then north again to the
country of the Gregry, east of Lough Gara, the parish of Killaraght,
where he founded churches. After a visit to Assylin he moved to
Ailech Mor, the old fort near Castle More Costello, and founded the
old church at that place, which was then part of Artech and occupied
by the Ciarraige, and called Ailech Mor Ciarraige. We may be sure
that Enda, the chief of Artech at that time, received Patrick in his
house, and thus we may see in that ruined rampart one of the few
places which can with any certainty be said to have been inhabited
by Patrick. After working about Ballaghaderreen he moved to
Kilroddan, to the west of. Lough Glynn, and thence to the country of
Karney, where he founded the church, now called Kilcronan, on the
east shore of Mannin Lake in the parish of Aghamore. Thence he
^ Professor Bury, English Historical Jicviciv, April 1902.
28 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
moved to Mucna's Well, now Patrick's Well, near Ballyhaunis, and
founded the old church of Kilmullen in Grallagh townland.
Thence he came through the Dunmore country to the country about
Kilmaine, and founded three churches. Two of them are Kilmainebeg
and either Kilquire or Shrule, probably the latter. The Church of
Cross might be the thiid. This country was already converted to a
great extent. To an earlier period must be ascribed the foundation
of the undoubtedly Patrician churches of Kilmainemore, Kilbennan,
Donaghpatrick, and perhaps Templepatrick on Inchanguill.
From Kilmaine he moved to Cuil Core in Mag Caeri, where he
founded a church. These places have not been identified, but are prob-
ably in the barony of Clanmorris, as his next halt was in Mag Foimsen,
the counti'v about Ballinamore in Killedaii parish, where he left Conan
a priest, at Patrick's Well, as I suppose. Thence he passed to Stringill's
Well, at Bellabourke, where he spent two Sundays, and went on to
the country of Raithin, about Ballyheane. These churches seem to
have been already established. Thence he went to Aghagower and
founded a church. He fasted on the top of Croaghpatrick. Now, or
earlier, he founded a church in Cloonpatrick graveyard at Oughaval.
Thereafter he founded a church at Kilmeena, and moved into the
country of the Corcu Temne, where he fovinded three churches,
pi'obably Turlough and Manulla and another in Kildacommoge parish,
but it is not certain when Turlough and Manulla were founded,
though they were certainly Patrician. It may have been on an
earlier visit. On this occasion he seems to have lived near Turlough,
as he is said to have baptized many thousands in the Well of Sin,
probably the holy well at Turlough.
He uncovered a dolmen built over the holy well at Manulla in the
presence of a crowd of the Druids and heathen of the country who
had worshipped the well. It was called Slan, and from it the church
and parish were called Slanpatrick down to the sixteenth century.
The uncovering seems to have been a formal, prearranged act, that it
might be seen whether the god of the well would punish the Christian
who interfered with his altar, or a formal abolition of the worship. It
seems clear that the Corcu Temne as a tribe, and their subjects, now
generally adopted Christianity.
Thus ended the work of the tour, and St. Patrick returned to
Meath.
King Amalgaid died in 449, and his nephew Ailill Molt became
King of Connaught.
Seven of Amalgaid's sons came to the Fes of Tara in 451 to settle
before King Laegaire a dispute about their inheritance. Laegaire
decided, with Patrick's concurrence, that the land should be divided,
and that Enda, the eldest, should be the chieftain. The brothers
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. 29
accepted Christianity in principle, but said that they must be baptized
after the new religion had been adopted in their tribal assembly.
Patrick contracted with them for escort to Tirawley. But the ar-
rangements were not pleasing to all. Oengus conspired with Fergus
and Fedelmid to kill Patrick and Enda's son Conall in Corann.
Fergus and Fedelmid withdrew from the plot, and Oengus seems to
have gone ahead to organise opposition. Though Tirechan does not
mention the tribal meeting, yet it is evident that it was held, and
that the brothers and their people accepted the new faith. For we
learn that Enda and his brothers and 12,000 men were baptized in a
well called Oen Adarc, according to the Tripartite Life.
The local tradition has told that Amalgaid and his sons and 900
persons were baptized in Tobernacreeva in Foghill townland. Except
that Amalgaid was not there, the tradition may well be correct.
When he was near Mullafarry a mob led by Druids came to attack
him between Killybrone and Crosspatrick, but were driven off by Enda
and Conall.
He founded a church in the Forrach, which probably is Killogunra,
and another called Donaghmore near Killala, and one at Ros mac
Caitni, which is probably the ruin on Dunbriste. He is said to have
founded Killala and Kilmoremoy. He certainly established the faith
firmly in Tirawley, but the Book of Armagh and the Tripartite Life
relate the Tirawley events in a very confused way.
He was in danger of drowning in crossing the Moy near Bouley-
fadrick, south of Ballina, between Ardnarea and Breaghwy. He
crossed its mouth also from Bartragh. He was opposed and threa-
tened by the Calry of Coolcarney on one occasion. I suspect that
they turned him back, and that he then took the other course. He
made his way through Tireragh to Ballysadare, and on to Ulster.
In Tirawley he baptized Eochaidh Breac, son of Dathi, whose
descendants settled about Killala. Fiachra Elgach and Ailill Molt
and their descendants seem to have been pagans until the sixth
century.
The only important clans who now adhered to paganism were the
sons of Dathi and their descendants in the country of Caria, the Gai-
lenga, and the Calry.
In accordance with the statement that seven sons of Amalgaid
came to Tara and were baptized, we find that only Enda Crom,
Oengus Fionn, Oengus, Eochaidh, Fergus, Felim, left families of
importance in Tirawley. These constituted the Hy Amalghadha.
We know nothing more regai-ding the establishment of Christianity
during this century, but may take it to have been spreading quietly.
After Laegaire's death Ailill Molt became King of Ireland in 463.
The two branches of the Hy JSTeill combined and killed him in the
30 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
battle of Ucha, near Tara, in 482. His son Ere must have been of
some importance. D. MacFirbis Avrites : "[Some] books state that
Earc, the son of OilioU Molt, assumed the monarchy of Ireland, and
exacted the Borumha without a battle." If he did he was soon
killed, or died, and the fact forgotten.
The kingdom of Connaught seems to have been assumed by Eoghan
Srebh in succession to Ailill. In any case Duach Tengumha was king
at the close of the century. In 499 he was killed at the battle of
Segais, the river Boyle, by Muirchertach Mac Erca of Ulster, and
was succeeded by Eoghan Bel, son of Cellach, son of Ailill Molt, or,
according to another account, son of Ere, son of Ailill Molt.
CHAPTER IV.
FROM ACCESSION OF EOGHAN BEL TO A.D. 800.
St. Tigernan of Errew worked in Tirawley in the early part of the
sixth century. His paten still exists. No more is known of him
except that he was the founder of the Abbey of Errew. The Breastagh
Ogham stone near the king's house of Rathfran commemorates a
" son of Cairbre, son of Amalgaid," who may be father or uncle of
Tigernan, or a great-grandson of Fiacln-a Elgach.
Apparently at a later date St. Cormac appears. He is called
Cormac O'Liathain, but it is not unlikely that a Tirawley man has
been confused with O'Liathain. First he applied to Eoghan Bel, the
King of Connaught, at his dun on Inishmaine. Eoghan did not
encourage him, and he went to Carra, where Ailill Inbandha received
him well at Fertlothair. Owing to the jealousy of a Finan of Rathen
who was already settled in Carra, he had to move on, and went
to Tirawley. This Finan is the first who appears in Carra after
St. Patrick. His shrine was kept in the church on Church Island in
Lough Carra. The Hy Amalgada received Cormac and let him settle
at Kilcormick, near Killala, and it is said that they endowed him with
the churches of Killala. The Abbey of Killala, which furnished the
bishop and chapter, may have been his foundation. But we have no
information about it.
He tried to settle and work in the kingdom of the Luighne and
Gailenga, and was received well by the king, but had to leave in
consequence of objections raised by St. Aodhan of Cloonoghil, who
was established there.
A party rose against him in Tii'awley, but he overcame all opposi-
tion. He was especially the saint of North Tirawley as Tigernan
was of South Tirawley.
According to his Life in Colgan's "Acta Sanctorum," the opponents
were in the wrong, were properly cursed by him, and suffered theii or
in reputation afterwards. We may infer that he was a very quarrel-
some man, who could not work in peace with any one else.
St. Aodhan died in 562. Contemporary with him, or about the
same time, his relations, Cuimin, O'Suanaigh, and O'Triallaigh, were
working in Tirawley and Tiieragh. The two last seem to have been
32 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
brothers of Aodhan, but we cannot rely implicitly on the pedigrees of
early saints. Cuimin was a first cousin of Tigernan.
St. Brendan of Clonfert worked in Erris and lived on Inisglora.
The Nuns Derbiled, of the race of Eochaidh Breac, and Gegh, carried
on the work there in a later generation.
"We may allow that all the royal families of this country had
adopted Christianity and encouraged its spread in their dominions by
the middle of the sixth century.
The Ulster kings Fergus and Donnell invaded Tireragh. Eoghan
Bel collected his forces and came up with them at Belladrehid as they
were driving away the cattle. The battle began at Grinder, now
represented by Culleencrin. The Ulstermen were defeated and driven
across the Sligo river, but Eoghan was mortally wounded, and died in
a few days. He was buried, by his own orders it is said, in the side
of a rath overlooking the ford below the town of Sligo, standing with
his spear in his hand. Thereafter the Ulstermen were defeated when-
ever they attacked the Connaughtmen, until they came with a great
host to Rath na Fiachrach, lifted Eoghan and buried him head down-
wards in the flat land by Lough Gill, Aenach Locha Gile, which is
supposed to be in Hazelwood demesne. It is evident from his chosen
mode of burial that he was a pagan. This is called the battle of Sligo,
and occurred in the year 537 or thereabouts.
In the same year a .son of Ere, son of Ailill Molt, fell in the battle
of Tortan in Meath. (A.U., A.T.)
From a curious mixture and confusion of traditions called the
" Life of St. Cellach," the following historical facts are drawn.
Cellach, eldest son of Eoghan Bel, and three of his cousins studied
under Ciaran of Clonmacnoise. Cellach tried to take up the chief-
tainship, but was expelled by Guaire, grandson of Eochaidh Breac,
and became a priest and bishop of Kilmoremoy. His younger brother,
Muredach, became head of Eoghan Bel's branch. Cellach used his
local influence on his brother's behalf when Muredach quarrelled with
Guaire. MacDeoraid, son of Eoghan Bel's brother, supported by
Guaire, murdered Cellach and drove Muredach out of his country,
assumed the chieftainship, and ruled over at least the lands of the
Calry of Murrisk, but was resisted by his subjects. Muredach
returned, caught MacDeoraid and hanged him and three allies, called
the four Maels, on Ardnarea. He is said to have captured them in a
fort called Dunfidhne, having four doors, near Tandrego. Being unable
to make head against Guaire, he submitted, and was treacherously
murdered.
The quarrel seems to have been for .supremacy over the lands of
Calry of Coolcarney along the river Moy, a family quarrel between
the Hy Eachach and Eoghan Bel's clan. A religious element entered
FROM ACCESSION OF EOGHAN BEL TO A.D. 800. 33
into this war, as we are told that Muredach remorselessly wasted the
churches of Guaire's land, though he was considerate towards Guaire's
people.
The events cannot be dated more exactly than as having occvirred
about the middle of the sixth century, Eoghan Bel's family became
extinct, and Guaire's also died out. The saints O'Suanaigh and
O'Triallaigh seem to have been Guaire's bi-others, as was Aodhan
of Cloonoghil. They must have worked after the death of Ailill
Inbanna, who succeeded Eoghan, being his brother, or possibly
his son.
In 544 (F.M., A.T.) Fergus and Donnell invaded Connaught
again, and killed Ailill and his brother Aedh Fortamail in the battle
of Cuilconaire in Carra, a place not identified. The following curious
tradition is given in the Tract on the Boromean Tribute in the
Book of Leinster, translated by Mr. S. H. O'Grady in " Silva Gadelica,"
wherein Columcille says : —
"As touching Ailillbannda, King of Connaught, the matter whereby
he had the Lord's peace was this : the battle of Cuilconaire it was,
which he fought against Clann Fiachrach and in which he was
defeated, when [as they retreated] he said to his charioteer : ' Cast
now, I pray thee, a look to the rear, and discover whether the killing
be great and the slayers near to us.' The driver looked behind him,
and replied : ' The slaughter that is made of thy people is intoler-
able ! ' ' Not their own guilt, but my pride and unrighteousness it
is that comes against them,' said the king : ' wherefore turn me now
the chariot to face the pursuers ; for if I be slain, it will be a i-edemp-
tion of many.' Then Ailill did earnest act of penance, and by his
foemen fell. 'That man therefore,' said Columcille, 'attained to the
Lord's peace.'"
The mention of Clann Fiachrach as his adversary suggests that
the Ulstermen found local allies in the rival families of the Hy
Fiachrach.
His successor probably was Feradach Mac Rossa, whom I insert
here on the authority of the Annals of Clonmacnoise.
Aedh, son of Eochaidh Tirmcharna, became King of Connaught
in 556.
To this period I assign the disintegration of the great kingdom of
Irrusdomnonn, and its reduction to the historical kingdom of the
Hy Fiachrach. The race of Ailill Molt in Carra becomes insignifi-
cant, no longer mentioned in the Annals. The line of Fiachra Elgach
comes to the front, and replaces in Tireragh the lines of Eochaidh
Breac and Eoghan Bel. His son Amalgaid had been chief, as to him
is attributed the building of Carnamalgada, now Mullaghorne, at
Killala, as a burying place for himself and a meeting place for his
C
34 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
tribe. Tibraide is mentioned as having given St. Columba land on
which the church of Skreen was built.
Owing to its inability to aspire to the sovereignty of Connaught,
the kingdom of the Hy Fiachrach is seldom mentioned in the
Annals. But there is more information regarding the affairs of the
church.
602 (A.U.). The battle of Echros in Muirisc, between the Cinel-
Coirpri and the Ui-Fiachracli of Muirisc. Maelcothaig, king of the
Ui-Fiachi-ach, was put to flight.
Ulcha Derg O'Caellaighe, of the Conmaicne of Cuil Toladh, captured
the house of Cennfaelaidh, King of Connaught, and killed him in 680.
Duncad Muirsce became King of Connaught, but was killed in the
following year (A.T., A.U., F.M.).i
In 704 Duncad Muirsce's son, Indrechtach, became King of Con-
naught, but was killed in 706 by the Ulstermen (A.U.).
In 742 the Gailenga appear fighting the battle of Lurg against the
Hy Ailello (A.U.).
In 757 Ailill Meadraige, who had become King of Connaught in
755, defeated the Hy Briuin Ai in the battle of Druim Robaigh or
Brecmagh, killing three sons of Fergus, son of Cellach (A.U.). As
Fergus was Ailill's immediate predecessor, this seems to have been a
fight for the crown.
Ailill died in 763, and was succeeded by his cousin, Dubhinnrecht,
who defeated the Conmaicne at Shnile in the Co. Longford in 765.
He died in 767, and was succeeded by his brother Donncothaigh,
who died in 772 (A.U.). The Hy Fiachrach Muaidhe never again
attained to the sovereignty of Connaught.
In 773 Flannabhra, lord of Umall, in 777 Dunghal, son of Flaith-
niadh, lord of Umall, in 783 Aedhgal, King of Umall, died (F.M.).
These are the first lords of Umall mentioned in the Annals.
In 776 there was a slaughter of the Calry by the Hy Fiachrach,
and in 786 "a slaughter of the Ui-Briuin of Umall by the Ui-
Fiachrach-Muirsce, where all the noblest were slain about the king,
Flathgal, son of Flannabhra" (A.U.).
The beginning of the seventh century was mai'ked by the establish-
ment of great monasteries, and the complete organisation of the
church upon the native system.
St. Mochua came to Balla about the year 616, and founded a
monastery which became the ecclesiastical centre of the Hy Fiach-
rach of the Moy, claiming supremacy over and dues from the terri-
tories of Carra and Tireragh generally. Though the succession is
unknown, it may be inferred that the race of Ailill Molt provided
1 A Dunchad was king of the Ui Amalgada and Ui Fiachrach Muirisc about
C97 (Kuno Meyer, " Cain Adamnain," p. 19).
FROM ACCESSION OF EOGHAN BEL TO A.D. 800. 35
kings of the Hy Fiachrach for some time after its foundation, and
that the descendants of Fiachra Elgach had estates in Carra. There
is evidence of the latter fact in the tradition handed down by
MacFirbis that O'Caomain had a large estate comprising the parishes
of Rosslee and Touaghty, as well as a chiefry in Tireragh.
Fechin of Fore founded Cong in 623, after working in the baronies
of Ballynahinch and Ross, which are especially connected with him.
He left these countries about 630. Cong became the great monastery
of the Conmaicne Cuile Tolad and Conmaicne Mara.
Colman of Lindisfarne, unable to follow the practices of the Celtic
church in ISTorthumbria, brought about thirty monks to settle on
Inishboffin. Disputes arose between the Irish and English monks,
which were appeased by the foundation of Mayo for the English
monks in 668, which became a great institution, much frequented
by young Englishmen of rank, and probably for a very long time
manned by English monks to some extent. It acquired the greatest
reputation of all the monasteries of this county down to the twelfth
century.
The Inishboffin monastery decayed, being suitable only for ascetic
life. The Columban monks were settled in several places in the
county, at Oughaval, on Illauncolumbkille and Inishrobe on Lough
Mask, and at places in Erris. Bat Mayo was the chief of all.
The Patrician monastery at Aghagower was the only monastery of
note in Umall. The Round Tower and the great endowment in land
about it mark its position as the head church of that kingdom.
Turlough seems to have been the abbey of Clann Cuain, but no
details are known about it.
Meelick, owing to its Round Tower, must be taken to have been
the principal abbey of the Gailenga, but I find no references to it.
St. Nathi's abbey at Achoni'y eventually overshadowed it, and pro-
vided the bishop for that kingdom, but was peculiarly the abbey of
the O'Hara family.
Regarding the Ciarraige I find no chui-ch of importance correspond-
ing with the great abbeys already mentioned.
The abbeys of Killala and Errew were the religious centres of
Tirawley.
Thus all Mayo is Christian, and the monastic organisation is com-
pleted which lasted, latterly in decay, until replaced in the eleventh
century in practice, and formally in the twelfth century, by territorial
episcopacy.
We must suppose that the great monasteries were laid out upon
the usual plan — a church, buildings for common use of the monks,
separate small cells for monks, and subsidiary buildings and store-
houses, all surrounded by a high stone wall built without mortar,
3G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
called a ca.shel, rftund or oval like tlie duns and ratlis of the kings
and chiefs, but sometimes of irregular shape to suit the ground or
the grouping of buildings. A small piece of the cashel of Mayo
shows the extent of the enclosure. If the number of students in
residence at one time was not very large, they and the teaching
staff and the monks of the church may have found accommodation
Avithin the cashel. On the other hand, we know that the students
of some very great colleges lived outside, and Ave might expect that
the ai-rangement would be general in large colleges.
The churches of Moyne in the barony of Kilmaine and of Ross in
that of lloss, which as far as we know were never of more than local
importance, had cashels enclosing laige areas. That of the former is
in unusually good condition, and encloses an area measuring 380 by
330 feet, and that of the latter an equal area at least, judging from
the remaining part. At Drum and Loonamore in the barony of
Carra large cashels of rectangular plan are well marked, but they
seem to have been intended for the accommodation of pilgrims, as
the Togherpatrick passes through them.
We cannot say exactly how these enclosures were utilised, but we
ca,n say that such large enclosures were commonly built round im-
portant churches. Such enclosures as those of Drum and Loonamore
suggest walled villages, and that they may have been vised in vai-ious
ways. In some cases churches were built within forts given up by
the owner for the purpose. The churches of this period which remain
are not much more than thirty feet long, usually less.
Evidence is abundant to show the early use of mortar and steady
improvement of ecclesiastical architecture, but is wanting, probably
because there Avas no occasion for change, and Avas no change, in
regard to secular architecture. We find no evidence of material
change in military building until it is noted that the Connaught-
men — i.e. King Torlogh Mor — built castles at Gahvay, Ballinasloe,
and Gollooney in 1124 (A.T., F.M.).
The cashels and cahers of dry stone, the earthen forts having the
sides of their ditches faced with stone, and having stone walls or
wooden palisades upon the ramparts, answered the purposes of de-
fence, and continued in use long after the tAvelfth century. We
have no means of dating them unless they are mentioned in history
or legend. The great dry-stone forts of the counties of Clare and
Galway, Avhich are attributed to the Clann Umoir, may have been
built during the period of their domination, but others, and some
of them, Avere no doubt built earlier and later. Dunamoe, near
Belmullet, is in the style of the great cahers of Aran, Avith outer
defence of upright stone. Kilcashel, near Kilmovee, is a Avell-pre-
served simple cashel without outer defence. Bally nacarrach, near
FROM ACCESSION OF EOGHAN BEL TO A.D. 800. 37
Kilmaine, shows a similar plain cashel strengthened by a deep ditch
with steep sides. It is the Dun na nGall mentioned in 1159.
Castlehag in Lough Mask is a mortared caher with an unusually
high wall. It is first mentioned in 1195. As such moi'tared cahers
are very rare, we may infer that mortar had not been long applied in
military architecture when the Anglo-Norman invasion introduced a
new style and those Irish lords who were in a position to build a fort
built a castle. It is not likely that any new fort of importance was
built in Mayo after the de Burgo conquest.
The domestic buildings inside the forts must have been generally
of wood, as traces of even foundations of stone are rarely seen. The
crannoges remained in use even to the sixteenth centurv.
CHAPTER V.
FllOM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION.
The Hy Briuin Ai, having become the predominant tribe of Connaught,
expanded and settled their clans, called collectively the Silmurray, in
the territories of the Ciarraige, Delbna, Hy Ailello, Hy Maine, Cor-
camoe, and Conmaicne of Dunmore, thus maintaining and increasing
their power until new conditions were introduced by the Anglo-
Norman conquest. During the eleventh century their rivals were
the O'Rourks, who mastered them for a time. From this period of
confusion Torlogh Mor O'Conor arose. The Hy Fiachrach and other
tribes of Mayo played small parts, and seldom come in sight.
In addition to these tribal quarrels which went on as usual, a more
destructive warfare was introduced by the Northmen, who made their
first descent on Ireland in 795. Their first visit to Connaught was
in 807, when they burnt Inismurray and advanced to Roscommon,
according to the Annals of Ulster and of Clonmacnoise. But the
Chronicuiii Scotorum gives Roscam instead of Roscommon, probably
correctly, as these raids seem to have been confined to the sea coast.
They made no settlements in Connaught.
Because they bore a special hatred to Christianity since Charle-
magne tried to convert the north of Europe by the sword, their raids
checked the progress of culture by the breaking up of religious com-
munities and destruction of their libraries. Had they been Christians
and plundered the churches only of such movables as were taken by
the Irish from the churches of other tribes — probably only grain, cattle,
and the like — no permanent harm would have come from an addition
to the normal amount of plundering in the slightly organised agricul-
tural and pastoral country. Losses would have been made good in the
peaceful intervals.
Of what passed in Mayo there are but a few bare notes of events.
In 811 the Northmen descended on U mall, but were slaughtered
by the men of Umall, and they slaughtered the Conmaicne, probably
Conmaicne Mara. They came again the next year and slaughtered
the men of Umall, killing Cosgrach, son of Flannabhrat, and Dunadach,
King of Umall (A.U.).
815 (A.U.). A battle was gained over the Ui Fiachrach of Muirisc
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 39
by Diarmait, son of Tom:\ltacli. Death of Cathal, son of Ailill, king
of the Ui Fiachrach.
The Danes left Ireland alone until about 822, when another series
of raids began. In 831 Turgesius appeared, established himself in
the north, and put a fleet on Lough Ree for the devastation and sub-
jugation of Connaught. The Annals record in 835 (A.U., F.M.) a ci-uel
oppression and desolation of all Connaught. Two years later a fleet
from the north plundered Collooney, where Cearball^ son of Dunlaing,
besieged them for a fortnight, and slaughtered them dreadfully after-
wards. Other notes are made of battles between Danes and Connaught-
men about this time, sliowing that they moved about freely and had
the upper hand in these countries in spite of occasional reverses.
Dr. Lynch writes : " We read that Turgesius . . . destroyed by fire
the temple of the church of Mayo, which was roofed with sheets of
lead." 1
Turgeis, or Turgesius, was taken prisoner and drowned by jMael-
seachlainn, King of Meath. He had conquered Ireland to a great
extent, and was fierce against Chi-istians. For some time after his
death Connaught seems to have suffered little from the Danes.
In 848 (F.M.) Loch Laeigh in TJmall ran off into the sea. This
seems to record the bursting of a bog lake. The place is not known.
In 887 the Hy Awley slaughtered the foreigners and killed one of
their chiefs, Elair, son of Bairid (F.M.).
In 912 (A.U.) "a hosting by Niall, son of Aedh, to Connaught;
and he gained a battle over the warriors of the north of Connaught,
viz., over the Ui-Amalgaidh and the men of Umhall, who lost great
numbers between slain and prisoners, including Maelcluithe, son of
Conor." Niall, called Glunduff, was afterwards King of Ireland. I
cannot identify Maelcluithe.
In 927 (F.M.) the foreigners of Limerick went upon Lough Corrib
and plundered the crannoges and strong places, but were slaughtered
by the Connaughtmen next year.
In 936 they plundered all Connaught up to Moylurg and Slieve
Baune.
In 938 (F.M.) Cairbre O'Cinaeidh, lord of the Ui-Aitheachda, died.
This tribe gave its name to Touaghty in Carra, Tuath Aitheachda.
It is the only mention of them in the Annals.
In 964 (F.M.) Fearghal O'Ruairc, King of Connaught, and Taich-
leach O'Gadhra, King of Luighne, invaded South Connaught. They
were defeated by the Hy Fiachrach Aidhne, and O'Gadhra and 700
men were slain in Burren of Corcumroe.
In 983 (F.M.) Aedh O'Dubhda, King of North Connaught, died.
The pedigree is evidently defective between Aedh and his ancestor
1 Camb. Ev., ii. 191.
40 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
])onncathy. Two or three more are needed to span more than
two hundred years. The O'Conor pedigree has six generations from
Tomaltach, son of Murgil, to Conor, son of Tadhg of Three Towers,
contemporaries of ])onncathy and Aedh.
According to MacFirbis, Aedh and his father made arrangements
with O'Caomhain, head of the senior line of the race of Fiachra
Elgach when the sovereignty was settled in the line of Dubhda, which
are set out here as they illustrate the mode of growth and settlement
of clans, showing how some clans got greater hereditary estates than
others of the same race. These were a partition of teriitory and
honours. O'Caomhain received as his lordship the land from the
Leaffony river to Toomour, and the Tuath Kuisen in Carra, now
mainly represented by the parishes of Rosslee and Touaghty. He
got about half the land of the Hy Fiachrach of the Moy. He was
allowed also the following privileges and distinctions : —
1. Of first sitting in the drinking-house.
2. Of arranging the battle.
3. That O'Dubhda should stand up before him when he meets him
or wherever he may be.
4. That O'Caomhain shall take the first drink and bath.
5. That whoever takes his first arms in his territory shall take
them fi'om the descendants of Diarmaid, son of Cathal, son of
Caomhan.
6. That O'Caomhain shall get the Luach leasa (a fine on marriage)
of every king's daughter ; and the steed and battle dress of every king
among them for ever, after his being inaugurated, and that the like
should be given by them to the Ollav — that is, to MacFirbis.
The remaining twenty years of the century are marked by the
efforts of Maelseachlainn of Meath and Brian Boro to gain supremacy
over Connaught, which was generally on Brian's side, as it was in-
vaded by Maelseachlainn in 983, 992, and 997. It does not appear
that he penetrated to Mayo, or what parts the Mayo lords played.
By the year 1000 Brian made good his supremacy over O'Conor and
O'Rourk, and is said to have received hostages from all Connaught
in one week in 1001. According to the copy of Keating's History
used for O'Connor's translation, he levied a tribute of 800 cows and
800 hogs, paid on 1st November.
In 988 Conor, son of Donnell, King of Luighne, died, and in 993
the Gailenga killed Fogartach, son of Diarmait, son of Uathmaran,
lord of the Corcofirtri (A.T., F.M.).
In 1002 Conor, son of Maelseachlainn, lord of Corcamodhruadh and
Aicher Ua Traigthech, and many others, were slain by the men of
TJmall in West Connaught (F.M., A.T.). This seems to have been
a raid on behalf of Brian.
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NOKMAN INVASION. 41
In 1005 Maelruanaidh, son of Aedh O'Dubhda, King of Hy Fiacli-
racli of Murrisk, and his son Maelseachlainn and his brother Geben-
nach died (A.U.).
In lOU the battle of Olontarf ended the Danish invasions, but did
not end the internal wars and robbery, which were worse than before,
or are more fully recorded than before.
The Chronicum Scotorum gives these obits of the Luighne at this
period : —
848. Tuathchar, son of Cobhthach, king, died.
921. Uathmaran, son of Dobhailen, king, died.
945. Domnall, son of Maelmuaidh, king, was slain by the son of
Uathmaran, son of Dobhailen, and by the Corcofirtri.
983. Diarmaid, son of Domnall, king, died.
The Round Towers are held to have been a result of the incursions
of the Northmen, built as places of refuge for ecclesiastics and safety
for relics and treasures of churches. They date from about the year
900, to which period the Tower of Turlough is assigned by Miss
Stokes, who attributes those of Aghagower and Meelick to the period
from 973 to 1013, and those of Killala and Balla to the close of the
twelfth century. They mark the fact that an important monastery or
church then existed at their site, and in the county of Mayo seem to
mark the principal church of an important tribe — Killala for the Hy
Awley, Turlough for the Clanncuain, Balla for Carra and Hy Fiachrach
Muaidhe, Meelick for the Gailenga, Aghagower for Clann Maille.
They show improvement in architecture, as do the contemporaneous
churches. About the same time, in the tenth century, the Irish
Romanesque or Decorated style came in, showing a very great advance
upon the early churches. They are much larger, usually from forty
to sixty feet in length, the doors and windows being progressively
more ornamental, and masonry often wholly of cut stone, until this
style, having attained a high degree of artistic beauty and archi-
tectural power in the development of the stone roof, was superseded
by the Gothic style introduced in the twelfth century. Those that
remain in this county are much ruined, or have been altered in part
to the Gothic style.
• In 1021 MacConcannon, lord of Hy Diarmada, was killed by
O'Gadhra. In 1023 O'Conor, King of Connaught, made an expedition
into Brefne, where he killed Donnell O'Hara, King of Luighne. In
1024 occvu-red "the battle of Ath na Croisi in Corann, between
Ua Maeldoraidh, i.e. King of Cenel Conaill, and Ua Ruairc, when
O'Ruairc was defeated, and a terrible slaughter of the men of Brefne
and Connacht was committed by the Cenel Conaill" (L.C., A.XJ.,
F.M., A.T.). The O'Haras and O'Garas seem to have been opposed to
42 thp: early history of the county of mayo.
O'Conor and on the side of O'Ruaiic in the years 1021 and 1023, and to
have been on his side, together with O'Ruairc, in 1024, combining to
resist the Ulstermen. But this reading depends on the description of
those who were killed as " of Brefne and Connacht." So it may have
been only a successful raid against O'Kourk and his allies, who could
not resist Ulster without help from O'Conor. All accounts call it a
defeat of O'Rourk, who is said to have lost 2000 men.
In 1030 Donncad, lord of Cairbre, was killed by the Hy Fiachrach
of Murrisk before the house of Adamnan's shrine, that is, at Skreen
(F.M.).
In 1032 Conor, son of Maelseachlainn O'Dubhda, was killed by his
cousin, the son of Niall O'Dubhda (A.T.).
In 1051 Aedh O'Conor, King of Connaught, defeated and killed
many of the Conmaicne in Sliabh Formaeile. He blinded Amalgaid
O'Flaherty, King of West Connaught, and fixed his residence at
Tuam (F.M., A.T.). In 1055 he preyed Luighne.
In 1059 Aedh O'Dubhda, King of Hy Awley, and Duarcan O'Hara,
King of Luighne, were killed by their own people, and Ruaidhri
O'Gadhra was slain (A.T., A.U.).
The remainder of this century was marked by the fighting of Con-
naught against the kings of Ulster and Munster, who sought to
establish supremacy over Connaught, and by the quarrels of O'Conors
and O'Rourks and O'Flaherties, who were faiily evenly matched.
The O'Conors rather lost ground until Torlogh Mor became King
of Connaught and made himself King of Ireland. Mayo territories
are seldom mentioned in these affairs.
In 1063 MacLochlainn, King of Ulster, invaded Connaught as far
as the Moy and the west of Luighne, when O'Conor and the chiefs of
Connaught submitted. "The cave of Alia, in Cera, was captured by
the Connaughtmen, against the people of Aedh Ua Conchobair, in
which one hundred and sixty persons were suffocated " (L.C. and
A.U.). But the F.M. say that the cave of Alia Gere in Carra was
taken by the Conmaicne against the Connaughtmen, that the cave
was demolished, and that the jewels of Connaught were carried off
thence. It seems to me that two events have been mixed, the descent
or raid of MacLochlainn on Connaught and a fight between the
Conmaicne of Moyrein and O'Conor. The cave has been assumed to
be Aille, near Westport, which, in my opinion, never was in Carra.
That is a cliff where a river runs into natural caves, which could not
be destroyed. There are no signs of ancient fortifications near it.
The Four Masters seem to give it the full name Alia Gere. It is
evident that a fort was captured with an artificial cave which was
destroyed. It cannot be identified as in Carra, and, considering the
evident inaccuracy of parts of the lecord, may be elsewhere. There
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 43
•was a once well-known stone cave in Grecraighi in which Grec Mac
Arodh found Cormac Mac A it aftei' his birth in Luigni Firtri's house,
according to the Legend of the Birth of Cormac.^
In 1067 Donnslevy O'Gara, prince of Luighne, was killed by Brian
O'Gara.
Torlogh O'Brien of Thomond brought an army of men of Munster,
Leinster, and Ossory and encamped at Lough Hacket, whence we
must suppose that at least the south of Mayo was plundered.
Kuaidhri O'Conor submitted to Torlogh in 1076, but the submission
must have been temporary, as Torlogh came again in 1079 and drove
him out of Connaught, bringing a fleet as well as an army, for he
" went upon Loch Beannchair, and Innsi Modh, and plundered the
Cruach " (F.M.). Loch Beannchair is Tullaghan Bay, Innsi Modh
are the islands of Clew Bay, and the Cruach is probably that from
which Ballycroy takes its name (F.M.).
In 1088 Murtough O'Brien attacked Euaidhri and sent a fleet
round to the west coast, but Ruaidhri slaughtered its crews.
Caesar Otway records in his " Sketches in Erris and Tyrawley,"
p. 60, that the Leacht Air lorruis. Monument of Slaughter of Erris,
" a rude conical pillar of stones," was said to have been the scene of
the slaughter of an invading army from Munster. A semi-spherical
mound a mile and a half from it was called after the King of Munster,
in which many years before had been found a skeleton standing up-
right. The Laght is near Binghamstown in the Mullet, and may
very well commemorate one of these invasions and the defeat of the
invaders. But the mound burial seems to be much too early for this
period, and we must suppose that the tradition of the invasion from
Munster has attached itself to the ancient burial mound. They must
have been but a small party engaged in robbing the country, as no
great force could have been in these parts to resist them.
In 1090 Taichleach O'Hara was taken prisoner (A.U.).
In 1091 Laidgnen, i.e. the Buidennach O'Duinncathaigh, lord of
Gailenga, was slain by the Hy Briuin (F.M.).
In 1092 Ruaidhri O'Conor was treacherously blinded by his foster-
son O'Flaherty. Until Torlogh Mor rose to power the O'Conors were
depressed, they and O'Rourks and O'Flaherties were incessantly
fighting, and Connaught suffered many invasions because there was
no king able to protect it. O'Brien was the principal assailant. He
tried to effect a partition of Connaught, making O'Rourk chief king
of Connaught, and having O'Flaherty as an ally. On one of these
occasions, 1093, O'Brien is said to have encamped in the plain of the
Hy Fiachrach from midsummer to St. Michael's Day. Lough Hacket
seems to have been usually made O'Brien's headquarters.
^ " Silva Gadelica," ii. p. 278.
44 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
In 1094 Gillii na ulnghen Ua Cobhthaigh, King of Umall, Airchin-
nech of Agliagower, was killed by the men of Carra (F.M.).
In 1095 Taiclileach O'Hara, loitl of Luighne, was slain with many
of his people by the Conmaicne of Dunmore, and in 1096 Murtough
O'Dubhda, king of the Hy Fiachraeh, was slain treacherously by his
own people (A.T., F.M.).
Connaught seems now to have had some respite from O'Brien
invasions, in which at least South Mayo must have suffered severely.
O'Dowda was usually on O'Conor's side.
In 1106 Murtough O'Brien deposed Donnell O'Conor and made his
younger brother Torlogh king in his place, being then nineteen years
old, whose power increased until he was able to make good his title of
King of Ireland in 1136. Why he was able so soon to raise the power
of the Silmuri-ay does not appear. It may be supposed that he showed
great abilities for war, and as O'Rourks and O'Flaherties were some-
what depressed by the incessant wars and invasions, the minor tribes
adhered to him for protection's sake, and eventually the greater, who
would find it more to their advantage to join Torlogh in successful
invasions of other countries than to resist him and suffer invasion
from him. Great as he made himself, it must be remembered that
he was such a king as Brian Boro before him, who forced himself by
fighting into the highest position. There was no government, no
administration of public affairs, only supremacy and power of levying
tribute from weaker kings.
In consequence of his power, we may suppose that Mayo men were
increasing in prosperity owing to freedom from plundering and the
profits of plunder of other provinces, whereof those who joined in
expeditions would share. But few references to Mayo men and
countries are found.
In 111.3 "a thunderbolt fell on Cruachan Aigie in the night of
the festival of St. Patrick, which destroyed thu-ty of the fasting
people" (L.C.). This seems to be the event recorded under 1106
in C.S. : " Ua Longain Airchinnech of Ard-Patrick was burned by
lightning in Cruach-Padraig." Cruachan Aigle is near Oughaval, near
Westport.
In 1123 Tadhg O'Malley was drowned with liis ship at Arann
(A.T.).
In 1126 Toidogh invaded Munster and encamped in Ormond.
Donnell Finn O'Dowda, lord of the Hy Awley, was drowned as he
was bringing back the prey from the baronies of Connello in Co.
Limerick. Torlogh was helped by a Connaught fleet on this occasion,
and again in the following year when it defeated the Munster fleet.
In 1128 Mayo men were out with him invading Meath and Leinster,
Avhen he went as far south as Wexford. O'Gara, lord of Luighne, was
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 45
killed. Meanwhile Tigernan O'Rourk led tlie forces of Brefne, the
Hy Fiachrach, and others against Ulster. The cavalry of Conor, son
of MacLochlin, defeated the cavalry of O'Rourk and killed Taich-
leach, son of Aedh O'Dowda. This defeat seems to have led Torlogh
to make a truce with O'Brien until 1130, when he took a fleet
to Desmond and another as far as Tory Island, which plundered
liosguill. In 1131 O'Malley was slain by Donnell O'Dowda's son in
the stone church of Oughaval, but within three months his own spear
killed him " through the miracle of Columcille."
Torlogh fared ill now, and O'Rourk had to submit to Conor
O'Lochlin. He was much hampered by family quarrels at this time.
In 1133 Cormac MacCarthy and Conor O'Brien invaded Connaught
and plundered a great part of the country, and destroyed Dunmore
and Dun Mughdhord, now represented by Doon Castle, near West-
port. O'Rourk plundered the Hy Fiachrach. Torlogh and O'Brien
made peace for a year.
In 1135 Awliff, son of Donnell Finn O'Dowda, lord of Hy Awley,
was slain by his own people.
About this period the kingdom of Luighne seems to have been
practically broken into two separate kingdoms under O'Gai'a and
O'Hara, the former holding as his kingdom so much as is in the county
of Mayo, with the country of the Gregry under him. The O' Haras
may be held to be no longer Mayo men, having no supremacy over
Gailenga. The next few years are marked by great internal disorder in
Connaught and by Torlogh's quarrels with his sons and other troubles.
His weakness led to quarrels among the chieftains, and actions of
unusual violence on his pai't, but by 1142 he overcame his troubles
and made his power felt by the other provinces.
In 1137 Tuam, Cong, Termon Caillainne, Mayo, and Kilboyounagh
were burnt, apparently by invaders, though they are not named, or
by Connaught tribes, as Torlogh was fighting with O'Rourk and
O'Melaghlin, and punished his own subject O'Concannon. " All the
province of Connaught was laid waste from the Drowes to the
Shannon and to Echtghe, and the people themselves were driven into
West Connaught." But by 1142 Brefne, Teffa, and Meath had to
submit to Torlogh.
In 1143 Aedh, son of Murtough O'Dowda, lord of Hy Fiachrach,
died (A.T.). .
In 1147 Duarcan O'Hara was killed by O'Gara (A.T.).
In 1153 the Hy Fiachrach were in an army led into Meath by
Torlogh's son Ruaidhri, who encamped at Fordruim on the way back,
without sending out scouts. The Ulstermen surprised them as they
Avere pitching camp and killed many, including Brian O'Dowda, lord
of Hv Fiachrach.
4G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
In 115-i "a fieet was brou^^ht l)y Torlogh O'Conor round Ireland
northwards — i.e. the fleets of Dun Gaillimhe, of Conmaicne Mara,
of the men of Umall, of Hy Awley, of Hy Fiachrach, and the
Cosnamhaigh O'Dowda in command over them — and they plundered
Tirconnell and Inishowen. The Cinel Owen and Muircheartach,
son of Niall, sent persons over sea, who hired the fleets of the
Gall Gael, of Ara, of Cantire, of Man, and the borders of Alba in
general, over which MacScelling was in command ; and when they
arrived near Inishowen they fell in with the other fleet and a naval
battle was fiercely and spiritedly fought between them ; and they
continued the conflict from the beginning of the day until evening,
and a great numljer of the Connaughtmen together with Cosnam-
haigh O'Dowda were slain by the foreigners. The foreign host was
defeated and slaughtered ; they left their ships behind, and the teeth
of MacScelling were knocked out " (F.M.). But Murtough O'Lochlin
plundered Moy Ai and Moylurg.
Torlogh seems to have made more use of ships than is recorded
of any other king. The Mayo and Galway people seem to have
been more seafaring than the other seaside people, or else Torlogh
w\as the first to use ships on a large scale.
It is not clear who this Cosnamhaigh was. Cosnamhaigh whose
death is recorded in 1162, and Cosnamhaigh whose death is recorded
in 1181, are called respectively lord and crown prince of Hy Awley,
and of the former ^lacFirbis writes : " Cosnamhaigh Mor, the only
fighter of a hundred that came in later times, and who was treacher-
ously slain by O'Gloinin in his own house at Inis Cua, on account of
(a dispute about) a greyhound whelp" (H.F. 113). I am inclined,
therefore, to think that there were three of the name about the same
period, and that they were of the Clann Domnaill of Loch Con. In
their description there is some small indication that this clan had
been placed over, or among, the Hy Awley by a partition of the
lordship, so that the Hy Awley no longer were directly under
O'Dowda. Their ancestor had been killed by the O'Gaughans at
Bearna Domnaill in Moyheleog.
In 1155 Fiachra, son of Cethearnach O'Ceirin, lord of Kerylough-
narney, died.
Torlogh Mor died at Dunmore on the 20th ^lay 1056, and his son
Ruaidhri became King of Connaught.
The Cross of Cong was made to hold a piece of the Cross which was
sent to Toi'logh in 1123. Torlogh built a great cathedral at Tuam,
of which the chancel arch remains, used as a doorway. He built
castles at Galway and Dunlo and Collooney.
Ruaidhri O'Conor's attempt to succeed to the title of King of
Ireland was resisted by Murtough O'Lochlin, who was too powerful
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 47
for him. He was beaten near Avdu in 1159 with great loss. The
son of Finnan Ua Sibhlen, King of the Hy Eachach of the ]Moy, was
slain. O'Lochlin carried the war into Connaught, and bui-nt Dun-
more and Duiiciarraighe and Dun na nGall. Dunciarraighe is not
known. Dun na nGall is the great fort in Bally nacarrach to the
west of Kilmaine. But Tigernach's continuation notes only that
after burning Dunmore he marched as far as Dun na nGall.
In this year Dermot, son of Teige O'Mulrony, King of Moylurg
and of the Aicidecht, died. In 1187 the death of his son Maurice
is recorded " in his own mansion on Claenloch in Clann Chuain."
This house was probably Boyd's Island Crannoge in Lough Lannagh
near Castlebar. " Aicideacht," " Chiefry " is a name of Clann Cuain
territory. The tradition was that Ruaidhri Mear, son of Taichleach,
son of Niall O'Dowda, being king, came to cosher on Donnell O'Quin,
chief of Clann Cuain, and took his daughter by force. O'Quin killed
Ruaidhri next morning, and then placed himself under the protec-
tion of O'Mulrony, afterwards called MacDermot. MacFirbis places
Ruaidhri in the list of kings next after Aedh, who died in 1143,
but does not date his death. It is likely that the story and date
are accux-ate, but the gi'andfather of Ruaidhri must be an earlier
Xiall than was supposed by MacFirbis.
O'Lochlin was too strong for Ruaidhri O'Conor, who now en-
deavoured to subdue Meath, Leinster, and Munster. The death of
O'Lochlin in 1166 left him by far the most powerful king, and he
became King of Ireland. Thus Connaught had an unusual degree
of freedom from foreign devastation for some years.
In 1169 the Normans invaded Ireland.
A tract written by Torna O'Mulconaire, who was chief poet of
Connaught in 1310, shows the change in the relation of the O'Conor
kings of Connaught to the kings of the Hy Fiachrach, of Luighne,
and of Umhall since the time of the Book of Rights. It must be
taken to show the claims which O'Conor enforced, when he could,
vmtil the de Burgo conquest. The following is O'Donovan's trans-
lation of a part : " These are the stipends of the royal chieftains
of Connacht from O'Conchobhair, i.e. twelve score beeves and twelve
score sheep on May-day to MacOireachtaigh ; twelve score beeves
and twelve score hogs to himself every All-hallow-tide, and these
are levied from Ubhall. Twelve score milch cows and twelve score
sheep on May-day to O'Fionnachtaigh ; twelve score hogs and twelve
score beeves every All-hallow-tide to himself, and these are levied
for him from Luighne Chonnacht. Twelve score milch cows and
twelve score sheep to O'Maoilbhrenuinn every May-day ; twelve
score beeves and twelve score hogs every All-hallow-tide to himself,
and these are levied for him from Tir Fhiachrach, and from Cuil
48 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAY'O.
Cnamha, and from Cuil Ceainiamlia. Twelve score milch cows and
twelve score sheep on May-day to O'Flannagain ; and twelve score
beeves and twelve score hogs every All-hallow-tide to himself, and
these are levied in Tir-Amhalghaidh and in Irrus."
The Danish invasions did much to shatter the frame of the Irish
Church which had grown up while the Western Roman Empire was
in disorder. When Ireland settled down to better conditions the
western pai-ts of Europe had been reorganised. As before the year
800 we find the Church of Ireland by degrees, and after contest,
abandoning certain points of ritual and piactice in favour of the
Roman views, so from the tenth century we see signs of another
change, from the jurisdiction of abbots over the monks and monasteries
of their order to that of a bishop over a defined area.
By the close of the tenth century the Annals mention a Bishop of
Connaught ; by the close of the eleventh he is called Archbishop of
Connaught. We do not see what went on locally during these
centuries, but we find that the principle of territorial episcopacy was
accepted by the close of the eleventh. The work of the twelfth-
century reformers was to establish discipline and organisation on the
continental model by afiixing to certain sees an exclusive territorial
jurisdiction, and by submitting the whole Church to the jurisdiction
of the pope. The first point was formally accepted and carried into
operation at the Synod of Fiadh Mic Aenghusa in 1111 and at that
of Rath Breasail in 1118, and the second point at that of Kells in
1152, when the Chui'ch of Ireland ceased to exist as an independent
Church, and became a branch of the Church of Rome, four arch-
bishops being appointed and receiving palls from the pope.
The Synod of Rath Breasail proposed five sees for Connaught,
with liberty to the people of Connaught to rearrange them, provided
they did not exceed five in number. Under this arrangement Mayo
would have been divided between the sees of Killala and Cong.
Killala was to comprise the present diocese with the barony of
Carbury in Sligo and the diocese of Achonry. Cong was to comprise
all the rest of Mayo, and the lands of the Conmaicne in the baronies
of Ross and Ballynahinch, and those of the Ciarraige in the county
of Roscommon as far east as Castlereagh.
But it was found impossible to absorb the sees of important tribes,
the O'Flaherties, O'Heynes, O'Garas, and O'Haras. Either at once
or before the Synod of Kells the Mayo arrangements were modified,
and dioceses formed as they appear at the Synod of Kells. The
diocese of Killala was the immediate kingdom of O'Dowda. That of
Achonry was the kingdom of the Luighne and Gailenga. That of
ContT was altered by transfer of the four southern parishes of the
barony of Costello to Tuam, and of the Roscommon lands to Ardcarne
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 49
or Elphiii. It is given a new name and called the diocese of Mayo
at the Synod of Kells, having Mayo Abbey Church as its cathedral.
It does not appear that there ever was a bishopric of Cong, as a
diocese including Mayo ; the see may have been fixed at Mayo from
the beginning. The diocese of Mayo was amalgamated with that of
Tuam in 1209.
The Bishop of Tuam became Archbishop because the O'Oonor
kings of Connaught had made Tuam their chief residence during the
eleventh and twelfth centuries, and because Toidogh JNIor was so
powerful in the middle of the twelfth century.
This transfer of power affected the position of the abbots and
changed the organisation of the Church. The ancient orders decayed
and most of the monasteries disappeared as active monastic bodies.
It seems clear that the old rules, those of Patrick, Ciaran, Columcille,
Brendan, Coman, and Fechin prevailing generally in Mayo, were
abandoned during the twelfth century. The endowments remained
vested in the successors of Patrick, etc. In 1210 these endowments
were formally transferred to the bishop of the diocese in which they
lay. The note in the Annals of Clonmacnoise recording this event
mentions Comarb and Termon lands as transferred. The distinction
is not clear, but I apprehend Comarb lands to comprise any lands,
and Termon lands to be those lands immediately round a church
which got the name of Termon from early rights of sanctuary. I see
some indications that distinction was made between endowments given
to the ancient Comarb or church, and those given to the abbot and
convent of New Augustinian Canons, which were left to them.
Hence it is that the bishop so generally owned the lands about the
ancient parish churches.
The monastex'ies which survived converted themselves into Augus-
tinian Canons, or were transformed into cathedral chapters, as in the
case of vicars choral in Tuam and Annaghdown. In some cases
dean and provost or precentor seem to represent abbot and Ferlegind
of the ancient abbey ; prebendaries and canons seem to represent
them in some cases. But the subject is obscure. The abbot being
often himself a bishop, the change was easy in such a case.
The Abbey of Mayo became cathedral. Cong, Inishmaine, and
Errew reconstituted themselves. All others disappeared. Errew
seems to have been built in the twelfth century under the influence
of the new style introduced by the Cistercians, but before Irish
architects were familiar with it. Cong was reconstructed at the
beginning of the thirteenth century, and Inishmaine at about the
same time.
Until the de Burgo conquest no other orders were established in
Mayo.
D
50 THE EAllLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The reduction of the number of dioceses was followed by a reduction
of the number of parishes. This seems to have been carried out at
the end of the century in these dioceses, as we find, in the epistle of
Pope Innocent III. of 1st April 1198 defining the extent of the
diocese of Killala, a list of forty-seven parish chui-ches in Tirawley
and Erris, reduced in 1306, in the Ecclesiastical Taxation, to twenty
parishes, while in Tireragh there are the same number as in 1306,
those recognised in the present day. Yet there are other old churches
in Tireragh, and I suppose the amalgamation to have been carried out
there first because Tireragh had in very early times been under the
Abbey of Balla generally.
CHAPTER VI.
RELATIONS OF THE KING OP CONNAUGHT WITH THE KING
OF ENGLAND IN THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH
CENTURIES.
By the treaty of Windsor in 1175, Ruaidhri O'Oonor became the
vassal of the King of Ensjland. He could not execute the conditions
he had undertaken, not having the control over the kings and lords
of Ireland thereby made his vassals, or the organised administration
needed to secure collection and payment of dues and tributes.
The invasion of Connaught in 1177 was not made on behalf of
King Henry. Murrough O'Oonor engaged Milo de Oogan and his
soldiers to support him in assuming the sovereignty of Oonnaught.
The rebellion failed, and was but an ordinary event of Irish clan
quarrels, in which, by custom of the country, each side got what out-
side support it could.
It is a commonplace of Irish history that Henry II. gave his
justiciary, William FitzAudelin, a grant of Connaught in 1179, but I
cannot find authority for it, or even a reference to any authority.
It is perhaps due to the confusion of William FitzAudelin with
William de Burgo, and to a misreading of a date of some grant. If
a grant was made it was inoperative. The Annals do not record
events to account for it. All other grants follow upon events recorded
in the Annals or in the English Records. Several grants of this
period were inoperative, made in view of contingencies which did
not arise.
Conor Moenmoy, having forced his father into retirement, joined
O'Melaghlin in destroying an English castle at Killare in 1184.
This was an aggression, as Meath was reserved to the King of Eng-
land. Ruaidlui returned in 1185 to recover his kingdom with the
help of the O'Briens and English from Munster, but failed. The
entries in the Annals of Loch Ce go to show that John de Courcy's
invasion in 1188 was due to Henry's endeavour to restore Ruaidhri.
In 1195 Cathal Crobhderg invaded Munster, but made peace at
Athlone, whereby Cathal's position as King of Connaught was
recognised, de facto if not de jure. Up to this time the King of
51
52 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
England made no attack on the King of Connaught, but the actual
kings of Connaught, Conor and Cathal, made two unprovoked attacks
upon the land of their lord.
The Gormanston Register has a charter of about 1195, wherein W.
de Bui'go grants to Hugh de Lacy ten cantreds of Connaught, the
Three Tuaths, Moylurg-Tiierrill, Corran, Carbury Drumcliff, Tire-
raghmoy, the two cantreds of Tirawley, Erris, Leyny, Slievelua, for
100 marks yearly and the service of ten knights. W. de Burgo
must have had a grant from the king, given to him to' enable him to
raise forces against Cathal. We may take it to have been the con-
sequence of Cathal's invasion of Munster, and to have been made
inoperative by the peace of Athlone.
After Ruaidhri's death in 1198, and an arrangement between the
Cathals whereby Cathal Carrach got a large tract in the south of
Connaught as a lordship, Cathal Crobhderg in 1199 and 1200
attacked the English at Athlone and invaded Munster, where he
took William de Burgo's Castle Wilkin and Castle Connell. This
was aggression by Cathal. The Justiciary and William de Burgo
entered into treaty with Cathal Carrach to set him up as king.
In 1200 and 1201 King John began to make grants of land in
Connaught. He gave Tirmany, which was something more than the
bai'ony of Athlone, and Tirieghrathbothe, which was a tract of land
next the Castle of Athlone, to Geoffrey de Costentin, and Dungalue —
Galway, or perhaps Galey on Lough Ree — to Richard Tirel. The
grantees never had possession.
While John was Earl of Mortaigne he made an inoperative grant
to Hugh de Lacy of six cantreds of North Connaught, which may be
attributed to 1195, or more probably to 1199, when Cathal Ci'obhderg
was in possession of North Connaught.
In 1201 Cathal Crobhderg made terms and was brought back to
Connausfht. The death of Cathal Carrach left him without a lival in
his family. But the murder of 600 to 700 of William de Burgo's
soldiers caused a war between Cathal and William, which seems to
have been considered a private affair. In 1203 William took up the
cause of Conor Moenmoy's sons and advanced as far north as Mayo.
King John took up Cathal's cause. William made no resistance.
He surrendered his castles peaceably to the king, who certainly ful-
filled his obligations to Cathal. William appeared before the king in
October 1203, and justified his conduct, as he was allowed to return
in 1204 and was given possession of all his castles.
At some time he had a gi'ant of some parts of Connaught, as he
made grants. But it was cei-tainly inoperative.
In March 1204 the king appointed Meyler FitzHenr}- and the
Archdeacon of Stafford to settle all matters between him and Cathal
KING OP CONN AUGHT AND THE KING OF ENGLAND. 53
by the advice of Walter de Lacy. By August an agreement was
made that Cathal should give up two thirds of Connaught and keep
one third by right of inheritance at a yearly rent of 100 marks.
In 1205 the king accepted another proposal by Cathal, that Cathal
should hold of the king in fee as a barony one third of Connaught
at 100 marks a year, and should pay for the other two thirds a tribute
of 300 marks, and out of them grant two cantreds to the king. This
arrangement lasted for some time.
The cause of surrender of two thiids I take to have been Cathal's
inability to pay the costs of the armies which were raised on his
behalf. It was very difficult at all times for an Irish king to raise
money or cattle from his people, for one in Cathal's circumstances
impossible. The arrangement obviated difficulties. Considering the
King of Connaught's attack upon his lord's lands, and the great ex-
pense of the wars consequent upon it, the settlement does not seem
oppressive.
In 1207 the king pardoned Gilbert and Philip de Angulo, who had
been outlawed in 1195, and confirmed Cathal's grant of the cantred
of Moenmagh to Gilbert, who had taken service under Cathal in 1195.
At the same time the king granted to Gilbert a cantred of land in
Eastyre, Wintelmolman, Ul'unan, and Nyaki to hold by service of
four knights. Eastyre and Nyaki I cannot guess at, but Wintelmolman
and UPunan may be taken to be Muintir-Mailfhinnain and O'Loman.
There was an O'Loman at Finnure in Abbeygormican parish.
Muintii'-Mailfhinnain appears in 1333 as the title of a great cantred
which extended to that neighbourhood. So the king's grant may be
taken to have been one of his two cantreds lying between Moenmagh
and the cantred next Athlone.
King John came to Ireland in 1210. Cathal met him and arranged
that John should give his son Aedh a charter for the third part of
Connaught, and that he should give Aedh to John as a hostage. The
annalist blames Cathal's wife for advising Cathal to break his en-
gagement. John de Gray, the new justiciary, invaded Connaught.
Cathal submitted, and gave his son Torlogh as a hostage. But it does
not appear that the proposed arrangement was carried out.
Something seems to have occurred in 1215 which caused the
king to provide for new arrangements in regard to Connaught by
grants ^ of the same date, one to Richard de Burgo of " all the land
of Connac' which William his father held of the king in fee farm
rendering yearly 300 marks, . . . saving to the king the castle of
Athlone, with the cantred in which it is situated ; and saving to
Godfrey de Constentin the cantred - given to him by the king in
exchange for the former cantred ; Godfrey to render homage and due
1 D.I., i., Nos. 653, «54, (556. 2 Xj.j Xu^tlia, D.I., i., No. 590.
54 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
service to Richard de Biugh ; saving to the king ilo7vifiones crociarum,
in tliat land " ; and one to the King of Connaught of all the land of
Connaught saving to the king the castle of Athlone, in fee during
good service, not to be dispossessed save by order of the King's Court,
at 300 marks yearly. Another paper shows that Cathal had agreed
to pay .0000 marks for this grant. The gnint to R. de Burgh was
to provide for failure of Cathal to accept his grant in accordance
with agreement. This settlement lasted for some years.
In 1221 Walter de Lacy bviilt a castle at Lanesborough in Annaly,
a country not included in the kingdom of Connaught. Cathal in-
vaded West Meath and took the castle. This aggression was arranged
somehow.
In 1224 Cathal's son Aedh helped the king in the war against the
de Lacys, and was given for his expenses temporary possession of the
land of Tirbriuin, Conmaicne, and Caladh — that is, of all O'Rourk's
kingdom except the northern part of Leitrim.
The justiciary supported Aedh in succession to Cathal, who died in
1224.
On the 25th June 1226 Geoffrey de Mai-isco was made justiciary
in succession to William the Earl Marshall. On the 30th June orders
were made for his guidance. He was to summon " Oethus, son of
Kathal, late King of Connaught, to be before the justiciai'y at the
King's Court, to surrender the land of Connaught, which he ought no
longer to hold on account of his father's and his own f oifeiture ; by
the charter of King John granted to Kathal, he only held the land
so long as he should faithfully serve the king. If Oethus do not
surrender the land, the justiciary shall by the Court ascertain the
truth of the forfeiture ; and if he foifeited the land, the justiciary
shall take it into the K.'s hand." ^ It was further ordered at the same
time that, on taking into the king's hand the land of Connaught on
account of the forfeiture of Oethus, he grant seisin thereof to Richard
de Burgo at a rent of 300 marks for the first five years and 500
mai-ks subsequently ; five of the best cantreds nearest Athlone to be
retained for the king.-
A report by Geoffrey to the king shows that I'esistance Avas feared ;
it is undated, but was made about August, soon after he landed.
William made no resistance. Geoffrey reported that all the king's
castles were held and fortified against him, except that of Limerick
held by Richard de Burgo. But he believed that it was not William
Marshall's wish that his bailiffs should hold them against the king.
" All the Irish are so banded together, and so wheedled by William
Crassus, that they cannot be recalled from their conspiracy." . . .
" As to the King of Connaught, who at the instigation of William
1 D.I., i., No. 1-102. ' D.I., i., No. 1403.
KING OF CONN AUGHT AND THE KING OF ENGLAND. 55
Orassus has become heedless of the king's mandates, the justiciary
summoned him to come to Dublin under safe conduct of Walter de
Lacy ; as the king did not come, the justiciary appointed a day for
him at the K.'s castle of Athlone, which is on the confines of the
king's territory, and is fortified with men and provisions against
the K."
It is evident that Aedh was to be brought to trial in the usual way
if he denied the forfeiture, and that the result was not prejudged.
Provision was made for the case of forfeiture. This grant to Richard
did not come into operation. Aedh was given an opportunity again
of coming to terms. It is to be remembered that he held the land
from the king as a baron. But the idea of trial or submission to a
court would not commend itself to an Irish prince who acknowledged
no right but force.
From the Annals of Loch Ce we learn that when Aedh appeared at
Athlone he seized the messengers sent to treat with him, burnt the
town of Athlone, killed the constable of the castle, and released the
hostages of Connaught. The Annals say that William Marshall
forcibly took him out of the King's Court when he was betrayed
there. This is certainly wrong. The course of events was that
W^illiam Marshall was suspected of an intention to rebel, and perhaps
did make preparations, that a plot was made among the Irish lords
on his behalf, in which Aedh joined, and that Aedh did not submit
quietly as William Marshall did when the new justiciary came. This
Athlone affair committed Aedh to open war.
On the 21st May 1228 Richard de Burgo got a grant in fee of all
Connaught which had come to the king by Aedh's forfeiture, at a
rent of 300 marks for the first five years and 500 marks a year after-
wards, and for the service of ten knights ; the king retained five
cantreds and reserved episcopal investitures. This gi-ant is the origin
of the de Burgo lordship of Connaught.
The five cantreds, afterwards known as "the King's Cantreds,"
were — Omany, Tirmany, Moy Ai, the Three Tuaths, Moylurg, and
Th-errill.
Tirmany comprised the baronies of Athlone, part of Ballymoe in
Roscommon and Galway, some land north of Roscommon, and some
more land west of the Suck in Killian. Omany comprised the
baronies of Kilconnell, Clonmacnowen, Moycarn, and some more.
The boundaries of these cantreds are uncertain in places.
A ten years' war ensued before the O'Conors and their allies were
subdued, and Richard de Burgo and his barons were established and
fortified in their demesnes in 1237. The king made various grants
in his cantreds which came to nothing. He held only the castles
of Athlone and Randown and some adjoining lands. The Annals
5G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
lecord how various O'Conors were set up as kings of Connaught
during this period. The king seems to have been willing to let the
King of Connaught hold Sihnurray and Moylurg, and even the whole
of his five cantreds, if he could maintain his position among his
own people. That was impossible for a long time. Felim O'Conor
appeared eventually to be the strongest, and submitted and accepted
the five cantreds in 1287, at a rent of £400 a year (35 D.K., p. 37).
He endeavoured to keep the peace, and was for many years a faith-
ful vassal, even going to help in the Welsh wars.
In 1249 Felim's son Aedh attacked the Berminghams in Tireragh.
Felim supported his action. The justiciary therefore drove Felim
out of the country, and made Torlogh, son of Aedh, king in his place.
But peace was made with Felim, and he was restored in 1251. In
1253 it appears that Felim had held four cantreds at the king's plea-
sure. At this time he must have been deprived of another cantred,
for the king began to give permanent tenures in Tirmany and
Omany in 1252. Henceforth the kings of Connaught seem to
have been only tenants at will. The Pipe Roll of ix. Edw. I. shows
that Felim had held 3 cantreds under rent. The outbreak of 1245
thus appears to have cost Felim 2 cantreds. Henceforth his son
Aedh was evidently beyond his control.
The O'Conors joined in O'lSTeill's rebellion, and continued the war
in Connaught after O'Xeill's defeat. The justiciary had to come into
Connaught. Peace was made in 1262, and a site was chosen for the
castle of Roscommon. The kings of Connaught were constantly at
war with the English until Richard, the Earl of Ulster, came of age
and got control of his estates, when his great power soon forced the
O'Conors to confine their fighting to their own family and subjects.
This arrangement lasted until after the battle of Athenry in 1317.
In 1318 Roger Mortimer let to King Torlogh the king's lands of
Silmurray, Fethys (Tuathas?), and the lands of the King of Tirmany
(O'Kelly), saving the lands of Englishmen and those granted in
burgage.
In 1324 Torlogh was given the three cantreds which Felim had
held. This was a period when Connaught kings went up and down
quickly.
In 1331 the escheator reported that no income came from Richard
de Exeter's Connaught lands, because Torlogh and his brother Cathal
forcibly held them. It was a very troubled period for the O'Conors.
The Earl had crushed them and held his own dominions with a strong
hand, intervening as he pleased in their feuds. On the other hand,
the King of England's power in Connaught had lapsed. No real
settlements had been made by the English in Omany or Tirmany,
except by David de Burgo, ancestor of MacDavid, who acquired
KING OF CONN AUGHT AND THE KING OF ENGLAND. b7
Clanconway, probably from the heirs of William de Oddingeseles,
who was owner in the beginning of the fourteenth century.
In a few years the English power and English law were nearly
extinguished by the murder of Sir Edmond de Burgo. The sons of
Sir William de Burgo and their cousins, and other tenants of the
infant Countess of Ulster, finding that the King was unable to
punish the murder or enforce the rights of the Countess, by degrees
disregarded those rights and the king's authority more and more,
until they discarded English law and adopted Irish customs. So
came to an end, in practice, the relation of lord and vassal or tenant
between the kings of England and Connaught. But the legal rights
were never forgotten by the kings of England.
After the treaty of Windsor established the relation of lord and
vassal between the King of England and the King of Connaught,
the former had a right to insist upon observance of the treaty. The
trouble arose because the King of Connaught undertook what he
could not perform. The parties were not upon an equality in respect
of observance. The King of England was at the head of a power-
ful nation, highly organised upon a civil basis, able to enforce law
against his subjects, and to carry out his engagements.
The King of Connaught was acknowledged head of several kings
of a nation but slightly organised upon a tribal basis, unable to
enforce law against any but his immediate subjects, his relation to
the other kings being practically limited to levying tribute when he
was strong enough. Moreovei-, his own position was insecure and the
succession uncei'tain. The Irish chieftains could not at a moment's
notice give up their habits of making raids on their neighbours, or
assisting their neighbours in their conflicts with enemies, and could
not understand that any treaty between the King of Connaught and
the King of England affected their ancient rights and customs, and
drew an imaginary line between certain districts which they must
not pass. In truth such a treaty was beyond the powers of any
king, and no one need regard it, any more than any other submis-
sion, unless he was compelled by force. On the other hand, by Irish
custom every king was entitled to subdue any other king or tribe if
he could, and if a king of Connaught, or of England, was strong
enough to do so, he was within his rights according to immemorial
custom.
I have here dealt only with the relations between the two kings,
and have passed over the many quarrels and wars in which the kings
were not considered to be involved, which were settled by the Eng-
lish barons without the King of England's intervention. A distinc-
tion seems to have been made between raids made by subjects on
their own account and international raids, as we should call them,
58 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
taken up by the kings on botli sides. The general question of right
and wrong between the two kings ended with the treaty of Windsor.
The subsequent wars were results of that treaty, and, as far as we can
see, originated in breaches by the King of Connaught, or in rebellions
and other intestine disorders in which the King of England interfered
to support his vassal, who, according to the custom of the time and
of the present courts of justice, had to pay the costs of being put
in possession.
On the whole the King of England does not seem to have oppressed
his vassal, at first probably because that vassal was very powerful,
and latterly, when his power fell low, because he became useful as
some counterpoise to the immense power of the de Burgo Earls of
Ulster.
CHAPTER YII.
STATE OF THE COUNTRY PROM 1170 TO 1237.
The Anglo-Norman invasion occurred when the internal conditions
favoured an attack on Leinster, Meath, and Munster. For fifty
years the O'Briens had resisted the O'Conor supremacy with results
disastrous to Munster, especially during the later years. Meath and
Leinster had been so crushed by Torlogh Mor in 1143 that he set up
his son Conor as king, who was killed by the Meathmen in the next
year. Ruaidhri not only compelled submission to himself as chief
king, but interfered in family feuds, dividing kingdoms and setting
up his own partisans. Owing to these events the kingdom of Meath
was held to comprise O'Rourk's kingdom, which therefore passed by
Henry II. 's grant of Meath to Hugh de Lacy, though it had been
throughout the historic period within the kingdom of Oonnaught.
These proceedings of Torlogh and Ruaidhri, and the decay of the
power of the royal families of Meath and Leinster, suggest that the
foreign invasion prevented the establishment of an O'Conor as chief
king of Meath, and a general repetition of very early events whereby
the kings of Connaught established branches of their family in
Leinster and in Meath.
Connaught had enjoyed unusual freedom from invasion under the
power of those kings, and so was the stronger in relation to the other
provinces, but was left a prey to disorder by the great number of
their sons and grandsons who naturally quarrelled for supremacy.
In ordinary course the sons of those who did not become kings would
have been allotted hereditary estates, and would have formed a
great Siltorly alongside of the Silmurray. The process had begun.
Ruaidhri's sons were settled in Carra, Murtough Mweenagh's and
Maghnus's and Cathal Migaran's in Clann Cuain and Umall, Donnell
Midheach's in Carbury, where they wei-e replaced, after fighting, by
the Clann Andrias. Conor Moenmoy's son Cathal Carrach got a
large assignment in Hy Many by partition with Cathal Crobhderg.
The conquest of Connaught upset these arrangements, and di*ove
the whole family into a small tract of Roscommon, except the clan
of Murtough Mweenagh, who were let remain in Umall and Erris
until their turbulence brought on expulsion in 1273, and the clan of
59
GO THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Andrias, son of Bii.iii Luighnech, who remained in Carbury, and
profited so much by submission to Fit/Geraki, and afterwards to
de Burgo, that their head eventually became O'Conor Sligo.
There are indications that the new lords of Connaught were ready
to accept the Irish chiefs as their tenants so long as those chiefs
behaved fairly well. Many remained in their original territories
during the Norman supremacy. For 150 years the King of
Connaught's power decKned steadily, and the minor kings and chiefs
accepted to a certain extent their new position. The power of the
de Burgo lord of Connaught and Eail of Ulster was irresistible when
brought to bear, and gave those who held loyally under him a peace
and security not known before, a material compensation for loss of
savage independence subject to heavy and uncertain exactions of
more powerful kings and to constant war and plundering.
Disorder arose not from rebellion of their own vassals against the
Norman resident lords, but from O'Conors, O'Rourks, O'Donnells,
O'Neills, whose territories had not been occupied, who were compelled
only to submission, and were not under control unless an army Avas
brought against them. The lord contented himself then with setting
up a new chief under engagements. The Annals show a tangle of
fighting, plundering, and murdering, very seldom causes and con-
sequences. It has been taken as a matter of course that the King of
Connaught was victim of a series of unprovoked attacks and injuries
by the King of England and the Norman barons. The Annals and
the Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, which supplement
and help each other, show that the wrongs are not all on one side.
The wars and fighting fall under three heads — quarrels between
the kings of Connaught and England ; those between the kings of
Connaught and the adjoining barons, which were not treated as wais
against the King of England ; the raids and rebellions against
Norman lords. Those under the second head seem to have been
aggressions by the Irish, but where the Normans appear as in-
vaders they were resisting and punishing raids or taking sides in a
disputed succession. The relations between the kings of England
and Connaught explain most of the fighting down to 1338.
From 1228 to 1235 fighting was incessant, chiefly directed against
O'Conors, those who opposed the man recognised by King Henry as
King of Connaught, and those who were settled in the de Burgo part
of Connaught. Richard de Burgo tried to bring them to terms, and
failing to do so, drove most of them out and divided Connaught com-
pletely among his allies only after 1235. We find no evidence of
settlement except the building of castles of Galway and Meelick. He
tried then to keep the O'Conors and others as feudal lords under him,
holding the country by means of these castles and garrisons. This
STATE OF THE COUNTRY FROM 1170 TO 1237. 61
became impossible, and we know that the barons spread over Connaught
and began to build castles in 1237.
Felim O'Conor accepted the new position aftei- this. Those
O'Conors who did not were driven out of the de Burgo lands. Some
accepted it, as Clan Murtough Mweenagh, and remained in possession
of large estates. O'Flaherty was allowed to remain on an estate in
the barony of Clare until his rebellion in 1273, when he was driven
out and sent to the west of Lough Corrib. O'Heyne and O'Flaherty
were on R. de Burgo's side during these early wars, having submitted
to him among the first.
O'Heyne, O'Flaherty, O'Kelly, O'Malley, O'Dowda, O'Hara, O'Gara
seem to have been treated by Richard and his great barons much as
King Henry and his successors treated O'Conor. But as regards
them evidence is slight. Where English lords and colonists settled
down the local Irish chiefs disappeared. But the great chiefs named
above were left in possession of large estates. Where no settlements
were made these chiefs recovered their position after 1338.
CHAPTER VIII.
EVENTS FllOM 1170 TO 1224.
RuAiDiiRi regarded his first submission to Henry II. as he regarded
submission to an Irish king, and soon attacked him again. But in
1175 he came to terms in the treaty of Windsor.
In 1177 William FitzAudelin was Governor of Ireland. Murrough
O'Conor came to Dublin and engaged Milo de Cogan and a force of
40 men-at-arms, 200 horse soldiers, and 300 archers, in order to
dethrone his father. The Annals of Innisfallen give the fullest
account of this raid, and are generally in agreement with Gu-aldus
Cambrensis. They went direct to Roscommon, where Murrough
joined them. They burnt churches in Moy Ai and Clanconway, and
marched by the Togher of Moin Coinneadha, which gives Temple-
togher its name, to Dunmore and to Tuam, where they remained for
three nights.
King Ruaidhri was touring in the west of Connaught when he
heard of the invasion. No resistance was offered to the invaders,
and no one joined them. Rviaidhri, or his friends, abandoned Tuam
and burnt Kilmaine and Kilbennan and Lackagh and Kilcahill and
Roskeen and the castle of Galway. The country was laid waste
before the invaders. This action, and the failure of Murrough to
secure support, showed the English that the enterprise was hopeless,
and they retreated. Meanwhile Ruaidhri had collected forces and
had got behind them, and had a skirmish with them as they passed
over the Tochar, and attacked them again wlien they were crossing
the Shannon at Athleague, opposite Lanesborough. Giraldus says
that the engagement was unintentional on both sides, and that the
English lost only three men. This must mean that it was only a
skirmish with the rear, for his own account shows that the Connaught-
men waited for the English between Tuam and the river. All
accounts agree that the Connaughtmen laid their own country waste
and defeated the Englishmen. The expedient was effective against
a heavily armed body without many Irish allies. It is also evident
that such a body could not be attacked successfully by the lightly
armed Irish forces except at a disadvantage in crossing a bog or ford.
It is therefore probable that only three men of importance fell, as the
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. 63
Irish accounts substantially agree that there was no severe fighting.
This was the first appearance of an English force in Connaught. It
was not an attack by the English upon the kingdom, but a rebellion
by Murrough with the help of mercenaries.
Ruaidhri got hold of his sons. He blinded Murrough, and con-
fined Conor in the island of Lough Hacket. In a year the O'Flaherty
faction rescued him, and brought about a reconciliation with his
father.
In 1180 Aedh O'Caithniadh, lord of Erris, was treacherously slain
by O'Callaghan at Kilcommon. Auliff O'Toghda, chief of Bredagh,
was killed by O'Gaughan, chief of Moyheleog. Murrough O'Lachtna
was di'owned in Lough Con. Thus we get an occasional glimpse of
what went on when the chiefs were not engaged in war on a
larger scale.
In 1182 Murrough, son of Taichleach O'Dowda, was slain by
Melaghlin O'Mulrony of Moylurg.
In 1183 Bee O'Hara, lord of Leyny, was treacherously slain by
Conor O'Diarmada, son of Ruaidhri O'Conor, in his own house on
Lough MacFarry, now called Lough Talt.
Conor Moenmoy drove his father out of Connaught in 1184, and
made himself king. Ruaidhri retired into the Abbey of Cong in
1186, where he remained until his death, except for a futile attempt
to recover the sovereignty in 1189. He died there on the 29th
November 1198, in his 82nd year. His body T^as removed to Clon-
macnoise in 1207, probably in connection with the rebuilding of the
great church of Cong.
In 1187 MacDermot (Maurice, son of Teige), lord of. Moylurg,
died in his own mansion on Claenloch, in Clann Chuain. This house
was probably Boyd's Island, near Castlebar — formerly a crannoge,
since drainage a peninsula — if Lough Lannagh be the Claenloch.
When Conor Moenmoy was murdered in 1189, Cathal Crobhderg
became king after contest with Conor's son, Cathal Carrach. The
quarrels of these Cathals were the cause of great suffering to the
people of Connaught during several years until the death of the
latter.
In 1192 Taichleach O'Dowda, lord of the Hy Awley and Hy
Fiachrach, was slain by his two grandsons.
Gilbert and Philip de Angulo fled from Meath and wei'e outlawed
in 1195. Gilbert joined Cathal Crobhderg in his invasion of Munster
in 1195, and seems to have remained permanently in his service,
having a large assignment of land in South Connaught.
Cathal invaded Munster without provocation, perhaps in pursuit
of Cathal MacDermot of Moylurg, whom he had driven out of
Connaught. He went as far as Emly and Cashel, destroying castles
G4 THH EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAY'O.
ami towns. He returnetl with a large force to Athlone, where he
made peace with John de Courcy and de Lacy. Cathal JNlacDermot
" came again in the same year, through the strength of his hands,
into Connacht, until he reached Caislen na Caillighe ; and he killed
many persons on his way from the south as far as that" (L.C.). " On
arriving at Lough Mask and Inishrobe, he seized upon all the vessels
of Cathal Crovderg O'Conor, and brought them away to Caislen na
Caillighe, where he proceeded to commit great ravages in all dii-ec-
tions, until Cathal Crovderg, accompanied by a party of the English
and of the Sil Maelruana, arrived and made peace with him, although
he had hitherto committed great ravages " (F.M.). Castle Hag must
have been surrendered to him by the gu;ird, or possibly he surprised
them. Such an impregnable stronghold most likely secured him easy
terms of peace. This is the first reference to Castle Hag in the
Annals. It is not mentioned again until Sir II. Bingham ruined it.
It is remarkable that the Annals should ignore the building of such a
fortress, a great cahir with mortared walls of great height.
In 11 9G Cathal Crovderg di-ove Iluaidhri O'Flaherty out of his
kingdom. O'Flaherty took to the sea, and plundered Conmaicne and
Umhall, but afterwards went to Ulster and made peace with O'Conor
by the mediation of the Comarb of Patrick, the Archbishop of Armagh.
Yet O'Conor seized O'Flaherty next year. Such relations between
the powerful O'Flaherty clan and O'Conor facilitated an agreement
between de Burgos and O'Flaherties in later wars.
In 1199 Cathal Crovderg made an unprovoked attack on the
English, at Athlone probably, killed many persons, and carried off
cattle. Thus he came into collision with the English forces, whereby
his position as King of Connaught was eventually much reduced.
The history of these wars, ending in what the Irish justly called the
Conquest of Connaught, shows the ruinous and inconclusive character
of native Irish warfare. The main object was to plunder and destroy
the country, not to follow up and annihilate the enemy's forces or to
overawe him by occupation of his country.
The Annals differ somewhat as to the years in which events fell,
but agree generally as to events. The Annals of Clonmacnoise seem
to give the best arrangement on the whole, and are here followed as
to date and sequence.
In 1200 Cathal Crovderg invaded Munster and burnt William de
Burgo's castles. After a raid into West Meath, where he suffered
loss, he collected his forces and went into Aidhne, as if to meet the
English from Munster, but began to plunder Cathal Carrach's terri-
tory. C. Carrach inflicted a severe defeat on a detachment sent
against him. C. Crovderg seems to have retired without fighting
before the English forces under William Burk and Murtough and
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. 65
Conor O'Brien, who made C. Carrach king. To him hostages were given
by the chiefs of the Silmurray and the Tuaths and by MacDermot,
O'Gara, O'Hara, and O'Dowda. C. Crobhderg went into Ulster.
" However, Cathal Carrach and William Burk, and the two
O'Briains, with their Foreigners and Gaeidhel, left neither church
nor territory from Echtghe to Dun-Rossarach, and from the Sinuinn
westwards to the sea, that they did not pillage and destroy, so that
neither church, nor altar, nor priest, nor monk, nor canon, nor abbot,
nor bishop afforded protection against this demoniacal host ; and they
used to strip the priests in the churches, and carry oflE the women, and
every kind of property and stock found in the churches, without regard
to saint or sanctuary, or to any power on earth ; so that never before
was there inflicted on the Connachtmen any punishment of famine,
nakedness, and plundering like this punishment." (L.C.)
This plundering must have been before the general submission.
We must understand that Cathal Crovderg adopted the course usually
taken by an Irish king in face of superior force. He retired before
them with his adherents, and looked on while his and their country
was being pillaged. His chief adherents got tired of this and sub-
mitted to the conquerors, and he fled to come again if he could. We
need not supjiose that this war was any worse than the other wars
which the country was well used to. But it may have been more
thorough. The invaders were largely well-armed, organised soldiers,
able to beat down opposition, irresistible by a purely Irish army, but
slow. Their O'Conor and O'Brien allies were used to the work of
plundering and destruction, and could do it well under cover of the
main body.
The pillage and destruction of churches I believe to mean no more
than that the surrounding houses or villages were destroyed and pillaged,
not that the fabric of the church was purposely destroyed. Destruction
of churches was not a Norman or English custom. There was reason
for pkindering and burning churches if by the term we understand
the subsidiary buildings belonging to the clergy and the villagers
which grew up about the churches. Under 1236 (L.C.) we find that
corn was stored in the religs or churchyards, and kept in baskets in the
churches, and the practice is mentioned in the above extract. Thus
burning Kilmaine and Kilbennan may mean burning the church itself,
which is the exact meaning of the expression. But we know that
burning a line of churches would make no difference to an invader.
Burning the houses of the villages of that name and all the supplies
with them would be an effective act of defensive warfare. It needs
only the sight of the cashel of Moyne church, near Headford, to make
clear the importance of the churches in the warfare of those days.
It was a custom in Ireland to put corn and heavy property in chax'ge
E
66 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
of the clergy when the owners betook themselves to fastnesses with
their cattle, in the hope that the invaders would respect the clergy,
as they evidently often did in ordinary Irish cattle raids. The Nor-
mans made war in a more serious and thorough fashion, and had no
idea of leaving the enemy's supplies for his use as soon as they left
the place. At an early period an arrangement was made with the
clergy that, if property left with them for safe keeping was taken
from the churches, the fees due for keeping it should be paid by him
who took it.
In 1201 Cathal Crovderg came twice from Ulster, and twice
suffered defeat. In this fighting Taichleach O'Dowda was killed.
After the second defeat Cathal Crovderg procured the support of
William de Buvgo and his Munster allies. These transactions are
obscure. Meiler FitzHenry, the justiciary, and William de Burgo
supported Cathal Carrach against O'Neill and O'Hegny. Cathal
Carrach defeated Cathal Crovderg when he came a second time with
de Courcy and de Lacy. The king arrested de Courcy and called
him to account for his action, but the result does not appear. It is
certain that William de Burgo now suddenly took up Cathal Crov-
derg's cause against Cathal Carrach, and he seems to have done so
with the king's consent, as he was called to account by the king
only when he attacked C. Crovdei-g in 1203. It is most probable
that this change was the result of an attack on the English by C.
Carrach, as the only means of securing the favour and toleration of
the Connaught chieftains. It is evident that he had hitherto relied
on English arms for his position, that Cathal Crovderg had a very
strong party in Connaught ; having been king for ten years, and being
a son of Torlogh Mor, were points in his favour. Other Connaught
kings set up by the English took the same course, notably Felim
O'Conor in 1316.
However this may be, Cathal Crovderg came again early in 1 202 with
W. Burk, Murtough and Conor O'Brien, and Finghin MacCarthy.
They went at once to Boyle and occupied the monastery, which they
began to fortify with a stone wall.
On the third day Cathal Carrach was killed in a skirmish with a
party sent out to plunder MacDermot's lands, who therefore must have
been his supporter. Tomaltach, son of Taichleach O'Dowda, was killed,
and several other men of rank at the same time. This ended the war.
The O'Briens and Finghin MacCai-thy went home. Cathal and
William de Burgo made a tour to the south by Dunlo and Moenmoy
and then by West Connaught, i.e. along the country of O'Flaherty
east of the Lough as far as Cong, where they stayed to spend
Easter.
" The resolution that Cathal Crobhdei^g and William Burk adopted,
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. &7
moreover, was to despatch their mercenaries throughout Connacht,
to levy their wages ; and William Burk, together with all who were
with him, and Cathal Crobhderg, went to Cunga-Feichin. After this a
miraculous event happened, and it is not known whether it occurred
through a man or through the spirit of God in the shape of a man —
viz. it was reported that William Burk had been killed ; and there
was not a road in Connacht by which this report did not come. The
resolution adopted by the tribes on hearing this news was as if they
had taken counsel together — viz. each man to kill his guest. And
thus it was done — viz. each tribe killed all that came to them ; and
the loss, according to the report of their own people, was nine
hundred, vel amplius. When William Burk heard that his people
had been slain, he plotted against O'Conchobhair ; but timely notice
reached O'Conchobhair, and he left the place where William was ;
and William went to Mumha, after losing the majority of his people."
(L.C., 1202.)
Torlogh, son of King Ruaidhri, was seized by his own brother
Diarmaid, and by Diarmaid, son of Ruaidhri, son of his vmcle
Maghnus, and by O'Dowda and O'Hara, on behalf of Cathal Crov-
derg. This arrest must be a consequence of the breach between
Cathal and William Burk. Torlogh was a man who might be set
up as a rival king.
The slaughter of his men must have been the cause of William's
turning against Cathal. The proceedings of these years justly
earned for William his Irish title of William Conquer.
William Bui-k began the campaign of 1203 by plundering Clonfert
about the 1st February in company with Conor Moenmoy's sons.
Thence they moved to Meelick and made a fortification round the
church, in which a garrison was left. He then marched northwards
by Knockmoy, plundering all places until he reached Mayo, where
he killed the two sons of Aedh Dall O'Conor, and settled for a time
at Cong. Of this time it is said: " Tuaim-dha-ghualann was
emptied, and Cunga Feichin was rased, so that it icas without a
house or church, and the churches of nearly all Connaught were
emptied " (L.C.).
King Cathal was evidently powerless to resist. But Meiler Fitz-
Henry, the justiciary, and Walter de Lacy brought an army into
Munster against William, who returned to the south and submitted
himself to the king's orders, giving up all his castles to the
justiciary. In July 1203 the king ordered William to answer all
complaints brought against him by the justiciary. In October
William had appeared before the king. In March 1204 commis-
sioners were appointed to inquire into the complaints made by the
justiciary and others against William, and by William against the
68 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
justiciary. He took William into Normaiuly with liim, and ordered
restoration to William of all his castles and lands, save those in
Connaught. In September an order is made retaining the land of
Connaught in the king's hand on account of these disputes, which
are not further mentioned in the record. He seems to have justified
his actions before the king, as he returned to Ireland in 1'204, and
died in 1205. But this was pi-obably in January, February, or March
of 1205 according to the ofiicial year, 1206 according to the usual
computation of the year from the 1st January. He closed a chapter
in the history of Connaught and of Ireland, by putting an end to the
independence of the kings of Connaught.
It is not known when this great man came to Ireland, but it must
have been not later than 1190. He married a daughter of Donnell
Mor O'Brien, King of Thomond, and of Munster until the Invasion,
by whom he left three sons. He had large gi-ants in the counties
of Limerick and Tipperary, and seems to have settled down on his
lands and kept out of the wars until Cathal Crovderg's attack forced
him to take up arms for his own defence. Though his lands were
within the kingdom of Thomond, they had not been directly occupied
by the O'Briens, and it was therefore easy for him to cultivate
friendly relations with that family, which were maintained by his
descendants. This alliance was an important factor in the conquest
of Connaught by giving him and his son Richard the help of the
O'Briens. Another daughter of O'Brien named Mor was married
to Cathal Crovderg, and another to Donnell Mor O'Kelly.
He certainly had a grant of some parts of Connaught, but I
cannot ascertain what it was, except that the grant related to parts
of the counties of Mayo and Galway, in which he gave grants to two
Petits and others. But none of these grants were effective.
The writer of the Annals of Clonmacnoise was very abusive of
him, but the translator suppressed most of the abuse. As far as the
Irish Annals deal with his actions, they show only what would have
made him " the Glory of the Gael " if he had been an Irish provincial
king.
He was buried in the Abbey of Athassel, now better known as
Golden Abbey, near Cashel, which he had founded. A tombstone
effigy, supposed to be from his tomb, is set up in a chapel of the old
church of Ballynakill, near Glinsk, but it is probably that of a later
William Burke. ^
During the remainder of the reign of Cathal Crovderg the country
enjoyed an unusual amount of peace, and therefore the annalists
tell but little. At this time the power of the O'Conors was very
much based on the country from Tirawley southwards to Tuara,
^ Journal of Gahvay Arch, and Hi&t. Society, ii. p. 107.
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. 69
in which Murtough Mweenagh and his family, the son of Maghnus,
the sons of Ruaidhi-i, and some other descendants of Torlogh Mor,
were settled. But the mainstay of the family was still the great
Silmurray tribe. They themselves were always quarrelling over
the sovereignty. In these new settlements they were by their
presence putting the old local chiefs a step lower in rank, and so
making it easier for the new Anglo-Norman lords to take the place
of the O'Conors later on. For the first effect of Anglo-Norman
settlement was to relieve the people from incessant pkmdering by
strangers, and to enable those minor lords who accepted the new
conditions to enjoy their own in peace, free from irregular exactions.
In 1207 Aedh O'Goirmghiallaigh, lord of Partry, was slain by the
men of Carra.
In 1208 Donnsleibhe O'Gara, King of Sliabh Lugha, Murtough
Mweenagh, who was now Tanist of Connavight, and others helped
King Cathal to remove Cathal O'Mulrony from the chieftainship
of IMoylurg, and to set up the son of Tomaltach MacDermot.
Auliffe O'Rothlain, chief of the Calry of Coolcarney, was slain
by O'Moran, who lived at Ardnarea, whose land extended thence
to Toomore.
In 1210 King Cathal broke with King John. The consequence was
that the justiciary built a bridge and a castle at Athlone, and an
invasion of Connaught by Geoffrey de Marisco and an army from
Munster, accompanied by Aedh, son of Ruaidhri O'Conor, and
O'Flaherty's son, and Donough Cairbreach O'Brien. They came
by Tuam to Lough Narney, where they halted for fourteen to
twenty days. Cathal Ci'ovderg did not fight, but came to terms
and went with them to Athlone, where he made peace with the
justiciary by giving as hostages his son Torlogh and the son of
another noble. The four hostages which were in the king's hands
were then released, one being Conor O'Hara.
1213. " Donnchadh O'Dubhda sailed with a fleet of fifty-six ships
from the Insi Gall, and landed on Inis Raithin, one of the Insi
Modh, in Umhall, and wrested his own land free of tribute from
Cathal Croibhdhearg O'Conor" (H.F., p. 303). This must mean
that, owing to the reduced power of the O'Conors, O'Dowda freed
himself from the heavy tribute due according to the O'Mulconry
tract.
1217. Cathal Finn O'Lachtna, chief of the Two Bacs, was treacher-
ously slain in his house by O'Flynn of Moyheleog.
1220. "Dubhdara, son of Muiredhach O'Maille, was killed in a
dispute by Cathal Crobhderg, in his own camp, in violation of all
Connacht ; and this was a grievous act, although it was his own
misdeeds that recoiled on him" (L.C.).
70 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The next event shows that a conspiracy was formed against King
Cathal, brought on possibly by his having associated his son Aedh
with him in the sovereignty, and by the king's having recognised
Aedh's right of succession, which is apparent from the State Papers
and the Annals. Though the fact appears later, we may suppose
that Cathal's intentions became apparent earlier. This succession
was in derogation of the right of the O'Conors to choose a qualified
heir among themselves ; and it was necessary to act as Cathal was
old. I cannot ascertain who the Mulrony O'Dowda is.
1221. " Diarmaid, son of Ruaidhri, son of Toirdhelbhach Mor
O'Conchobhair, was slain by Thomas MacUchtraigh as he was
coming from Insi-Gall, whilst collecting a fleet for the purpose
of acqviiring the sovereignty of Connacht ; . . . Maelruanaidh
O'Dubhda, King of Ui-Amhalghaidh, was drowned while assembling
the same fleet.
" Diarmaid O'Culechain, a professor of history and writing, died
in this year, i.e. a man who had more writings and knowledge than
any one that came in his own time ; and it was he that wrote the
Massbook of Cnoc, and another Massbook the equal of it for
Diarmaid MacOirechtaigh, his tutor, and for Gillapatraic, his foster-
brother — the comarbs of Achadh-Fabhair in succession." (L.C.)
1224. " Maelisu, son of the bishop O'Maelfhaghmhair, parson of
Ui Fiachrach and Ui-Amhalghaidh, and materies of a bishop, was
killed by the son of Donnchadh O'Dubhda, after enjoying his food
and his fire in his own [O'Diibhda's] house" (L.C). "A deed
strange in him, for none of the O'Dowdas had ever before killed an
ecclesiastic." (F.M.)
" Cathal Crobhderg O'Conchobhair, King of Connacht, and king
of the Gaeidhel of Erinn according to merit, died in the monastery
of Cnoc-Muaidhe on the 5th of the kalends of June ; the best
Gaeidhel for nobility and honour that came from the time of Brian
Borumha down ; the battle-prosperous, puissant upholder of the
people ; the rich, excellent maintainer of peace ; (for it was in his
time that tithes were first received in the land of Erinn) ; the meek,
devout pillar of faith and Christianity ; corrector of the culprits and
transgressors ; the destroyer of robbers and evil-doers ; the general
battle-victorious defender of the royal law, to whom God gave good
honour on earth, and the heavenly kingdom beyond, after dying in
the habit of a monk, after triumphing over the world and the devil.
Aedh O'Conchobhair, his own son, assumed the government of
Connacht, with his luck and happiness, after him ; for he was a
king in dignity near his father previously, and the hostages of
Connacht were at his command ; and it was God who granted the
sovereignty to him thus, for no crime was committed in Connacht
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. 71
through the speedy assumption of sovereignty by him, but one act
of phmder on the road to Cruach, and his hands and feet were
cut off the person who committed it ; and one woman was
violated by the son of O'Mannachain, who was blinded for his
offence." (L.O.)
This panegyric may advantageously be compared with the known
facts of his career. It is evident that the record omits very much
which would prove the truth of the panegyric.
He founded the Abbey of Ballintubber, begvin about 1216. It is
not improbable that it was built in reparation for an attack upon the
Archbishop of Tuam, recorded in the following discreet words which
neither affirm nor deny his complicity : " The Ai"chbishop O'Ruanadha
was cruelly and violently taken prisoner by the Connachtmen and
Maelisa O'Conchobhair, and put in chains ; a thing we never heard of
before, viz., an archbishop being manacled " (L.C.). I find no Maelisa
among the O'Conors, except the Prior of Inishmaine who died in
1223, nor any incident to account for the affair.
CHAPTEH IX.
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO THE SUBMISSION OF FELIM
IN 1237.
Aedh's accession soon led to war. The part wliicb Aedh had taken
in 1224 against Aedh O'Neill and the de Lacys would dispose O'Neill
to join Aedh's opponents, though O'Neill was careful to avoid collision
with the English. The events are recorded thus : —
1225. " A commotion of war was raised in this year by Toirdhel-
bhach, son of Ruaidhri, king [of Connacht], and by Aedh O'Neill, to
contest the province of Connacht with Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg,
through the solicitation of Donn Og Mac Oirechtaigh, king-chieftain
of Sil-Muiredhaigh, in retaliation for having been deprived of land
and patrimony; and when he rebelled the Connachtmen rebelled,
viz. the Sil-Muiredhaigh, and the men of the West of Connacht, with
Aedh O'Flaithbhertaigh, king of the West of Connacht. However,
Aedh O'Neill came with them to the middle of Sil-Muiredhaigh ; and
they made Toirdhelbhach, son of Ruaidhri, king ; and Aedh O'Neill
went home, because the sons of Ruaidhri preferred their own assem-
blies, which had been summoned by them respectively, with the ex-
ception of Cormac, son of Tomaltach MacDiarmada of the Rock, and
David O'Floinn, and other men of trust." (L.C.) An entry regarding
this event erroneously put in the preceding year says that Aedh
O'Neill went home after inaugurating Torlogh, because an army of
Foreigners was coming to support Aedh's cause.
" As regards Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, moreover ; he re-
paired to the Foreigners, and it happened fortunately for him, as the
Foreigners of Erinn were then at Ath-Luain, holding a court, and
every one of them was a friend of his, for his father's sake and his
own ; for he and his father before him were very liberal of wages to
them. He brought with him the Justiciary, and as many of the
Foreigners of Erinn as he thought sufficient ; and Donchadh Cair-
brech O'Briain, with his army, and O'Maelechlainn, with his army,
went also with him. The people of Magh-hAei and the Tuatha fled
then into Luighne and Tir-Amhalghaidh, with their cows; and the
sons of Ruaidhri were left without an army, without a tribe assem-
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 73
blage, there being in theii^ company only a few royal heirs, and
chieftains, and horseboys, and attendants. The sons of Ruaidhri
proceeded to Cill-Cellaigh,^ accompanied only by a small band and
a few royal heirs, to protect their cows and people. Aedh, son of
Cathal Crobhderg, with his Foreigners, advanced towards Toirdhel-
bhach, son of Ruaidhri, where he was with his chieftains, and there
were hardly any others than horseboys and a rabble along with him,
for Aedh, son of Ruaidhri, and the son of Muirchertach, and Domh-
nall O'Flaithbhertaigh, and Tighernan, son of Cathal, and the sons
of Toirdhelbhach, son of Ruaidhri, went to protect the cows and
people of Ferghal O'Taidhg, who had pledged a mutual oath with
them. And it so happened that he was the first Connachtman who
violated his mutual oath with the sons of Ruaidhri ; and he brought
the son of Cathal, with his Foreigners, to protect his cows and people,
in opposition to them. It was then that the Foreigners encountered
Toirdhelbhach, son of Ruaidhri. He and his chieftains arose, and
they placed their rabble before them, and retreated excellently with-
out any of their men being slain ; for Donn Og Mac Airechtaigh, and
Flaithbhertach O'Flannagain, and a small number of the Eoghanach 2
band, followed them. In that day a scouting party encountered
Echmarcach Mac Branain, who was with a small force in the middle
of an oak wood, amongst his pigs and his cows ; and he performed
great valour when they were killing him, but a superior number of
brave men overtook him. Then Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg,
with his Foreigners, followed the sons of Ruaidhri that night to Milic ;
and he remained there three nights, plundering Luighne on every
side. This thing was unfortunate for O'hEghra, who had to make
peace, after being plundered, for the sake of- the little that had been
left in Luighne. The sons of Ruaidhri were at this time in front of
Loch-mic-Oiredhaigh^ in Glenn-na-Mochart.* The resolution adopted
by the son of Cathal Crobhderg was to go along with the Foreigners
after the cows of the Taatha, and of Sil-Muiredhaigh, and of Clann-
Tomaltaigh, by a route that no Foreigner ever took before, viz. into
Fidh-Gadhlaigh, until they reached Ath-tighe-in-Mesaigh ; ^ and they
received neither arrow nor dart in that route. They plundered Cul-
Cernadha, and inflicted vengeance on cows and people there. Of all
those that went into the Bac, all who were not drowned were plun-
dered and killed. Pity alas ! every one who went towards Dubh-
Cunga ^ was drowned ; and so the fishing weirs were found with their
baskets full of children, after being drowned in them. Of all the
droves of Clann-Tomaltaigh that had escaped from thfe Foreigners,
1 Kilkelly. ^ Probably some of O'Neill's men.
* LoughTalt. * Glanna Voagh.
* Attymas. * Probably the weir below Ballycong Lake.
74 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
aud that had not been drowned, a number went into Tir-Amhalghaidh ;
and O'Dubhda attacked them, and left not a single cow with them.
" As regards the sons of Ruaidhri, moreover ; the resolution they
adopted at Loch-mic-Airedhaigh ^ was, to disperse until his Foreigners
should separate from the son of Cathal Crobhderg, viz. the two sons
of Ruaidhri — Toirdhelbhach and Aedh — and the son of Maghnus, and
Donn Og, were to go to meet O'Flaithbhertaigh, their mutual ally ;
and the sons of Muirchertach O'Conchobhair, and Tighernan, son of
Cathal,- to go to protect their cows and people, and to make peace for
their sake, until his Foreigners should depart from the son of Cathal
Crobhderg.
" As regards the southern half of Connacht, also, it was not more
quiet, for the Foreigners of Laighen, and Donnchadh (or Muirchertach)
O'Briain, came against them. The Foreigners of Des-Mumha and the
sheriff of Corcach came also against them. They plundered and killed
every one whom they caught. Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, dis-
liked their coming into the district, for it was not he who invited
them ; but when they heard of all the spoils the Justiciary with his
Foreigners had obtained, envy and jealousy seized them. Grievous,
indeed, was the misfortvine God permitted to fall on the best province
in Erinn, east or west, south or north ; for the young man would not
spare his companion, in preying or in plundering, provided that he
was the stronger. Women and children, and young lords, and the
mighty and the weak, were exposed to cold and famine through this
war. As to Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, however ; he advanced to
Magh-nEo, and the sons of Muirchertach went into his house, under con-
ditions and guarantees, for the sake of their cows and people. He went
on the morrow to Cill-Medhoin, and the three armies of Foreigners met
there ; and the entire cantred was nearly filled with these three armies
of Foreigners and Gaeidhel. It was then that Aedh O'Flaithbhertaigh
came, on the covenants and guarantees of the nobles of the Foreigners,
and of Donnchadh Cairbrech O'Briain, his gossip, into the house of
the son of Cathal Crobhderg and the Justiciary, made peace with him
for the sake of his cows and people, and engaged to banish the sons
of Ruaidhri from him. The son of Cathal Crobhderg went with his
Foreigners to Tuaim-da-ghualann, and permitted the Foreigners of
Laighen and Des-Mumha to depart from him ; and it was his own
duty to escort the Justiciary across Ath-Luain. He adopted another
resolution then, viz. to turn back towards O'Flaithbhertaigh ; for he
liked not the way in Avhich he left him, as the sons of Ruaidhri were
at the west side of the lake with him, and his own son-in-law, i.e.
Donn Og, along with them. Then the sons of Maghnus separated
1 Lough Talt. - Cathal Migaran, son of Torlogh Mor O'Conor.
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 75
from the sons of Ruaidhri, and went into Tix'-Amhalghaidh in quest
of their cows and people, and found them there, happily, without
being plundered or molested ; and they carried them with them under
the protection of O'Ruairc ; ^ and they committed a great depredation
on Philip Mac Goisdelbh. Donnchadh Cairbrech, moreover, sent the
nobles of his people, and his men of trust, on before him with great
spoils. Aedh, son of Ruaidhri, and Eoghan O'hEidhin intercepted
them with a small band ; and the ]\Iomonians awaited not the attack
of the son of the chief king ; but he went after them and captured
the men of trvist of Donnchadh Cairbrech ; and heavy were the spoils
left with Aedh, son of Ruaidhri. Then Donnchadh Cairbrech went
home, and made peace and ' drowning of candles ' with Aedh, son of
Ruaidhri ; and he promised that he would not again go against the son
of Ruaidhri, in return for the release of his men of trust ; but he kept
not this, for he came immediately on the next hosting against the son
of Ruaidhri. It was then, moreover, that the son of Cathal Crobhderg
and the Justiciary came to the port of Inisci-emha,- after the Foreigners
of Laighen and Mumha had departed ; and O'Flaithbhei^taigh was
obliged to give Iniscremha, and Oilen-na-circe,^ and also the boats
of the lake, for the sake of his cows and people. Aedh, son of Cathal
Crobhderg, went again to Tuaim-da-ghualann, and proceeded on to
escort the Justiciary ; and a few of the chiefs of the Foreigner's, and
many mercenaries, were left with him, for he liked not the Connaught-
men, with the exception of a few of them. He then delivered the
nobles of the community into the hands of the Foreigners, as a pledge
for wages, viz. Flaithbhertach O'Flannagain, and Ferghal O'Taidhg
and many more of the Connachtmen, who were obliged to release
themselves. It was then that O'Flaithbhertaigh and the sons of
Muirchertach, and the other royal heirs, went again to the son of
Ruaidhri, after the Foreigners had departed from Aedh, son of Cathal
Crobhderg ; and Aedh despatched messengers and writings to the
Foreigners, announcing the revolt, and requesting additional forces.
He was cheerfully responded to ; for these expeditions were profitable
to the Foreigners, who used to obtain spoils, and used not to encounter
danger or conflict. The Foreigners of Laighen and Des-Mumha were
furnished to him on this occasion in great force, under William Cras
and the sons of Gritiin ; and when they came towards the son of
Cathal Crobhderg, he came from the east across Tochar,^ and pro-
ceeded on southwards to where he heard the sons of Ruaidhri were
(viz. in Ui Diarmada), without an army, without allies having arrived
' The Clann Maghnus thus left Mayo and settled in Kilronan, alias Tir
Tuathail.
2 Illauncarbry, near Cargin Castle. ^ Now called Castlekirke.
* Near Templetogher in barony of Ballymoe.
76 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
to them. Then Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, sent his brother
Felim and the chiefs of his people, with Foreign mercenaries, to plunder
Eoghan O'hEidhin in Ui-Fiachrach-Aidhne ; and they were in a
house-camp at Ard-rathain, with a view to committing the depredation
early on the morrow. O'Flaithbhertaigh and the sons of Muircher-
tach, as they were marching to tlie sons of Ruaidhri, heard of the
Foreigners having gone on a plundering expedition to Eoghan
O'hEidhin, and of their being at Ard-rathain. The resolution they
adopted was to march towards Ard-rathain, and to attack the
Foreigners early next morning, and to burn the town against them.
They marched until morning, and were early on the green of the
town, when they determined to send first to the town Tuathal, son of
Muirchertach, and their Foreigners, and whomsoever of the Gaeidhel
would desire to go with him — O'Flaithbhertaigh and the other sons of
Muirchertach remaining outside the town. Bravely, indeed, was the
town then entered. The Gaeidhel who offered to go with Tuathal was
Taichlech, son of Aedh O'Dubhda. And when they went boldly into
the town the Foreigners fled eastwards and westwards out of the town ;
and the Foreigners were driven in rout eastwards. The Foreigners
who fled westwards out of the town inflicted a defeat on those of the
Gaeidhel who were in the rear of the town. There were no Gaeidhel
more vigorous than the company on which this defeat westwards was
inflicted, but God did not grant that good fortune should attend them.
Tuathal and Taichlech O'Dubhda pursued the party that went east-
wards ; and Tuathal first wounded the constable of the Foreigners, who
fell by Taichlech. It was very fortunate for the sons of Ruaidhri
that they were not in this defeat. It was in this defeat westwards
that Mathgamhain, son of Aedh, son of Conchobhar Maenmhaighe,
and the son of Gillachrist Mac Diarmada, and the grandson of
Amhlaibh Mac Airechtaigh, and Niall, son of Ferghal O'Taidhg,
were slain ; and the person who slew him was killed, viz. the
brother of Culen O'Dimusaigh.
" As regards the sons of Ruaidhri : they met on the mori^ow with
O'Flaithbhertaigh, and with the sons of Muirchertach, and with
Tighernan, son of Conchobhar, and with Donn Og ; and they pro-
ceeded from the south to Druim-Cenannain, It was then Aedh, son
of Cathal Crobhderg, with his Foreigners, went in pursuit of them.
The resolution they adopted was — each of them to go towards his
cows and his people, and to abandon the sons of Ruaidhri. The
sons of Ruaidhri went out of the district, as they had no forces or
Foreigners in readiness, and Donn went again under the protection
of Aedh O'Neill ; and there resulted nothing to them from this host-
ing but that the best territory in Erinn was injured and destroyed
through them. Regarding Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, however ; he
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 11
went to O'Flaithbhertaigh, and brought pledges and hostages from
him on this occasion. He proceeded downwards to Cill-Medhoin, and
to Magh-Eo, in pursuit of the sons of Muirchertach, and of Tighernan ;
and they made peace for the sake of their cows and people, and went
into the house of Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, under the guarantee
of Donnchadh Cairbrech and the chiefs of the Foreigners. This was
a necessary tranquillity, for there was not a church or territory in
Connacht on that day without being destroyed.
" After plunderings, and after killing the cows and people of the
country and exposing every one to cold and famine, a great plague
prevailed in the whole district, viz. a species of fever, by which the
towns used to be emptied, withovit a living man being left in them."
(L.C.)
The following entries are under the year 1226, and seem to relate
to the period when Aedh was left to maintain his own authority : —
" Tighernan, son of Conchobhar, son of Cathal Migaran O'Concho-
bhair, the loyal heir of greatest honour and bravery that came of the
sons of Conchobhar, and who performed the most renowned, successful
exploits, was killed by Donnchadh O'Dubhda and his sons.
" Ferghal O'Taidhg, dux of the household of Cathal Crobhderg, and
of that of his son after him — a man of great prosperity, and by whom
his enemies fell in greatest numbers — was slain by Donnsleibhe
O'Gadhra." (L.C.)
Under the year 1225 Tighernan, son of Cathal O'Conchobhair, is
noted as killed by Donnchadh O'Dubhda. The family of Cathal
Migaran seems to have been settled in Mayo. It is, I think, possible
that these entries relate to the same man, the son of Cathal Migaran.
Aedh and Torlogh had such equal support in Connaught that out-
side help on either side turned the scale. Aedh's foreign allies were
the English, against whom Torlogh's supporters would not fight.
Hence the futility of these rebellions by men who would neither fight
nor submit honestly. Clan Murtough had a small body of foreigners
in their service.
Aedh was now established, but events took an unfortunate turn for
him. It is most probable that the Connaughtmen were much pleased
by a prospect of attacking the king's forces on behalf of William
Marshall, and would not let Aedh submit as William did. The
English record tells us that a meeting with Aedh was arranged at
Athlone, which must have been in September 1226, or in August.
The Annals record what occurred.
The meeting-place was by the side of a marsh, a Lahagh a little to
the west of Athlone. Aedh crossed the marsh with Cormac JNIac-
Dermot, Dermot, son of Manus O'Conor, Manus, son of Murtough
O'Conor, Tadhg O'Ceirin, and Ruaidhri O'Maelbhrenainn. William
/8 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
de Marisco, a sson of the justiciary, came with eight horsemen. Before
they dismounted Aedh advanced and seized William de Marisco.
Aedh took William, Master Sleimhne, and Hugo Arden prisoners,
and killed the constable of Athlone. Aedh and his forces then
plundered the market and burnt the town. " And this was a
felicitous act for all the Connachtmen, for they obtained their sons
and daughters, and the hostages of Connacht, and peace for the
Connachtmen afterwards" (L.C.). His prisoners must have been
exchanged for the hostages, as he did not take the castle. The peace
they got by this act was not worth much, and the expression may
mean only that they went away without pui-suit or immediate
invasion.
" Donnsleibhe O'Gadhra, King of Sliabh-Lugha, was killed by the
Gillaruadh, his own brother's son and he was killed therefor through
the device of the son of Cathal Crobhderg " (L.C.).
The Annals of Clonmacnoise date the Athlone affair correctly in
1226, but those of Loch Ce place it under the year 1227. The
justiciary did not deal with Connaught until the following year, 1227,
when Connaught was invaded in force. King Aedh fled to Tirconnell.
Geoffrey de Marisco, accompanied by Torlogh, son of Ruaidhri, came
by Athlone into Magh Ai, where he took the hostages of the Sil-
murray, and, accompanied by Brian, son of Ruaidhri, advanced to
Sligo, and sent a detachment of Meath forces, accompanied by Tor-
logh, against O'Flaherty, which afterwards went into Carra and took
hostages from Clan Murtough, and a number of cows from each cantred.
The southern army under Richard de Burgo, accompanied by Aedh,
son of Ruaidhri, marched to Inishmaine, plundering and taking
hostages. Thus all Connaught was brought to submission without
fighting. Geoffrey de Marisco left the country in some way in charge
of the sons of Ruaidhri. This to be inferred. Nothing is stated
precisely.
After his departure King Aedh came back. As he came to the
river Boyle he was surprised by Ruaidhri's sons, who took his wife
pi'isoner, whom they handed over to the English at Athlone. Aedh
and his two sons and his brother Felim esc;iped. No more fighting or
dissension is recorded at this time. The sons of Ruaidhri and Clann
Murtough and the other O'Conors of the Co. Mayo seem to have
had a superiority in Connaught when left alone. The English armies
had secured that point. Their object seems to have been to reduce
Aedh to obedience, and this object was now effected. In some way
or other Aedh came to terms. He is next heard of as visiting the
justiciary in the castle of Athlone, where an Englishman murdered
him in a fit of jealousy in the year 1228.
Aedh, son of Cathal, may have come to terms by accepting the
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 79
King's Five Cantreds with the title of King of Connaught. The sons
of Ruaidhri and the other O'Conor allies who were settled in Mayo,
and all the other lords of Connaught, would be freed from his
supremacy, holding from the King of England. Aedh was not in a
position to hold out for better terms when he retui-ned in 1227, and
such an arrangement would make for peace in Connaught, which
seems to have ensued for a time.
However this may be, Aedh was recognised as King of Connaught,
and was killed in 1228. At this period occurred the real and effective
partition of Connaught by the grant of two thirds to Richard de
Burgo. At the same time Aedh, son of Ruaidhri, was made king
over the Five Cantreds. This appears also from the entry of 1230
(L.C.) that Aedh and the other Connaughtmen turned against Richai'd
de Burgo and the foreigners.
In this year, therefore, must be dated with certainty the separation
of the territories of the county of Mayo from the ancient kingdom of
Connaught. The grant is dated the 21st May 1228.
Aedh was set up in preference to his elder brother Torlogh. The
preference may have been due to a desire to break the continuity of
the old kingdom of Connaught, to show that Aedh had no title or
right but what was derived from the grant of the King of England,
Torlogh had been inaugurated in 1225, and might have represented
himself, and have been regarded by the Irish, as king by virtue of
that inauguration. Hence internal war first, necessity for fresh
English intervention, and his own rebellion afterwards.
" A great war broke out in Connaught between the two sons of
Roderic O'Conor, Hugh and Turlough, . . . for the younger son did
not yield obedience to the elder ; and they destroyed Connaught
between them, and desolated the region extending from Easdara south-
wards to the river of Hy Fiachrach,^ excepting only a small portion of
Sliabh Lugha, and the territory of the people of Airtech." (F.M.)
In 1229 Felim, son of Cathal Crobhderg, defeated King Aedh and
plundered Randown. Richard de Bui-go, who had been made jus-
ticiary in 1228, brought an army to Castlereagh and restored Aedh,
who in the following year turned against his supporters.
Kings of Connaught were now put up and down in quick succession
until 1237. The events are thus summarised. In 1230 Aedh turned
on the English, who came in force and setup Felim. In 1231 Richard
de Burgo arrested Felim at Meelick. In September 1232 the king
ordered release of Felim on bail to answer the charges against him,
and appointed Maurice FitzGerald to supersede Richard de Burgo as
justiciary. Felim, being released, attacked and killed Aedh. Richard
1 The Robe.
80 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
de Burgo recovered the king's favour by tlie assistance he gave in
Eichard Marshall's rebellion. In 1235 llichard and the justiciary
drove Felim out, and again in 1236, setting up Brian, son of Torlogh.
In 1237 Felim accepted the position, was given the King's Five
Cantreds, and remained at peace. These events gave rise to much
warfare in Mayo, because so many of the O'Conors had estates there.
Richard de Burgo did not at first try to make settlements on a large
scale. If the Irish lords had been content to accept his lordship and
to pay such rents and tributes as they may have agreed to pay, he
would have been content to leave them as they were. We may infer
this from the Annals and State Papers taken together. One of the
first settlers in Connaught outside of Meelick was Richard's younger
brother William, who at this time occupied Corcamoe or some territory
near Donamon, which was given to Adam Staunton in 1229 by
the king.
The Annals are our authority for local events at this time.
In 1230 King Aedh, at the instigation of Donn Og Mageraghty
and Cormac MacDermot, turned against Richard Burk and the
foreigners. Aedh himself and the O'Flahertys plundered William
Burk and Adam Duff, while Donn Og and Maghnus O'Conor's sons
and the Silmurray plundered Tir Maine and Mac Goisdelbh's lands.
The party under Aedh shovild be the Mayo men and their O'Flaherty
allies.
1230. "The son of William, however, assembled the greater part
of the Foreigners of Erinn, and many Gaeidhel, and came into
Connacht, accompanied by Felim, son of Cathal Crobhderg, to give
him the sovereignty of Connacht, and to expel Aedh, son of Ruaidhri,
and every Connachtman who had turned against him. They pro-
ceeded at first to the castle of Bun-Gaillmhe, to Aedh O'Flaithbher-
taigh. Then Aedh, son of Ruaidhri, went to assist O'Flaithbhertaigh ;
the Connachtmen accompanying him, vinder the sons of Muirchertach
O'Conchobhair ; and the Connachtmen were on the west side of
Gaillimh, and the Foreigners on the east side ; and great conflicts
occurred between them every day. The Foreigners were in this wise,
and they obtained neither peace, nor pledge, nor hostage from the
Connachtmen. The resolution the Foreigners adopted was to go after
the cows and the people that had fled to the hills and fastnesses of
the country, and into the islands of the sea ; and they went that
night from the castle of Bun-Gaillmhe to Droiched-inghine-Goillin,^
where it was morning with them. Then the son of William asked,
* Is there a passage between us and the lake, by which some of the
Connachtmen could come down ? ' The guides answered him :
^ Probably a bridge near Headford, perhaps at Moyne, as now.
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 81
' There is,' said they. He disposed a party of horse to the west
towards Cunga, and towards Cill- (or Inis-)'Medhoin. It happened
then that a countless number of Connachtmen were coming from
Cunga early on the morrow, having been unwisely, and unwarily,
transported across the lake^ the night before, in parties of two and
three ; and a few good men were slain together with the men of
trust of Muirchertach, son of Maghnus O'Conchobhair ; viz. Diarmaid
O'hEidhnechan, and Lochlann Maclesain, and Tadhg, son of Gilla-
christ O'Maelbhrenainn. As regards the Foreigners : they went after
this success to Magh-Eo of the Saxons. They proceeded on the
morrow to Tobur-Patraic, where the canons and devout people of the
place came to the son of William, and requested the son of William,
for charity, not to remain with them that night. This request was
granted to them ; and the Foreigners proceeded down to Muine-
Maicin. The Foreigners were loth, indeed, to go from Magh-Eo
thither ; but they had not obtained either hostages or pledges
from Maghnus, son of Muirchertach Mviimhnech. As they had not
obtained hostages, they went on the morrow to Achadh-Fabhair,
and encamped in the town, to the west of the church, viz. at
Mai'genana, on the brink of Loch Crlchan. Maghnus, son of Muir-
chertach, went into their house and gave them pledges. As to the
Foreigners, moreover ; they came again on the morrow to Muine-
Maicin, and remained a night there. They proceeded the next day
to Magh-Sine,- and from thence, by marches, through Luighne, to
Ceis-Corann. They went from thence into the Corrsliabh, and the
guides abandoned the usual path ; and they crossed the entire
mountain without being met. With reference to Aedh, son of
Ruaidhri, and to Tomaltach of the Rock, son of Conchobhar Mac
Diarmada, and Donn Og Mac Airechtaigh, and the Sil-Muiredhaigh,
who were in the wood — the resolution they adopted was not to
bestow attention or I'egard on the Foreigners, since their cows, and
their people with them, had reached the fastnesses of Muinter-Eolais
and of Sliabh-an-iarainn. Donn Og said that he would not observe this
resolution. The course he decided on was to go to the west side of the
Foreigners until he reached Finn-charn, accompanied b}' his own
brother, and the young men of Sil-Muiredhaigh, and by his own
Foreigners, and by the son of Domnall Bregach O'Maelsechlainn with
his Foreigners, and by Brian, son of Toirdhelbhach ; and Donn sent a
fighting party to them, and a good conflict was being waged against
the Foreigners, and he himself was stationed on the summit of the
earn, and his hope in the conflict. Then the Foreigners sent a
^ The crossing point must have been the narrow ferry at Knock. It is evident
that K. B. knew that bodies of men were between him and the lake.
2 About Turlough.
F
82 THE EARLY HISTORY 'OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
countless host of mercenaries and cavalry around the earn, and they
{Donns party) observed them not until they passed from the west
around the earn ; and Donn was left alone there, with the exception
of a few of his kinsmen, and of Brian, son of Toirdhelbhach ; and
only for a short time were they allowed to remain thus in one spot.
Donn Og, being then alone, was proclaimed and recognised ; and
many soldiers took aim, and five arrows were lodged in him; and
one horseman came up with him afterwards ; and though he {Donn)
had no weapon but an axe, he did not allow the horseman to close
with him ; and the horseman would drive his lance into him occasion-
ally. The other soldiers surrounded him from the east and west,
and he fell by the superior power that overtook him there.
" Regarding Aedh, son of Ruaidhri, moreover ; he was on the east
side of the Foreigners, awaiting them ; and he did not give them
battle, and it was not with his consent that Donn had done so. And
the rout extended eastwards towards him ; and he knew not then
that Donn had been slain ; but Aedh escaped uninjured throvigh the
strength of his hand ; and he turned upon one man of them who was
taking aim at him, and cast the lance which was in his hand at him,
so that the shaft went through him ; and he was afterwards allowed
to depart. However, as success attended the Foreigners, and as Donn
Og was slain, the Foreigners sent out great predatory bands as far as
Sliabh-an-iarainn, and subjected multitudes to cold and hunger on this
occasion. And women and children were killed ; and all that were not
killed were stripped ; and they carried off great, fruitful preys to the
camp of the Foreigners. The Foreigners departed after this on the
morrow, and left the sovereignty with Felim, son of Cathal Crobhderg ;
and Aedh, son of Ruaidhi'i, was banished to Aedh O'Neill." (L.C.)
This account recognises only one army of the English. Comparing
it with the Annals of Boyle, Clonmacnoise, and Ulster, we gather
that the invasion was made by two armies. The justiciary, R. de
Burgh, and Donogh Cairbrech O'Brien came from the south and
secured the submission of O'Flaherty and the Mayo O'Conors, who
formed the western group of rebels. The ai-my of Meath, under
Hugh de Lacy, accompanied by William de Burgo and Felim O'Conor,
dealt with the Roscommon group, consisting of the Silmurray and
MacDermot's forces. The two armies met at the Callow of the Rock
of Lough Key — that is, near Rockingham House — where they stayed
a week and two nights. It is not clear where or when occurred the
skirmish in which D. Magei-aghty fell. If the Finncharn could be
identified the site would be known. One account mentions that he
was killed in the Curlews.
The movements of the western army are given with unusual
clearness. The account of the actual figjhting in the skirmish is a
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 83
rare instance of such detail. It shows that a man with an axe and a
horseman with a lance were fairly evenly matched. Unfortunately,
we are not told whether Donn Og was on horseback or on foot. We
should expect a man of his rank to be mounted, but in this case he
was surprised while watching the fight from a earn.
From mention of the foreigners of Donn Og and of Donnell
O'Mehighlin, we may infer that it was not unusual for Irish chieftains
to have a few in their service. But they were not enough to affect
the character of the Irish forces or enable them to withstand an
army, and were probably small bodyguards.
In 1231 King Felim met R. de Burgo at Meelick, where R. de
Burgo made him prisoner — by the treachery of his own men, according
to the Annals of Boyle. Aedh, son of Ruaidhri, was now set up in
his place. In the following year King Henry ordered R. de Burgo
to release Felim on bail to answer the charges against him. As
Richard failed to release him, the king made Maurice FitzGerald
justiciary in his place, and ordered him to take up the whole of
Connaught and hold it if Richard still refused to surrender the castle
of Meelick and the prisoners of Connaught. Felim was released, but
the castle was not surrendered. The king even asked for Felim's
help in taking the castle before Felim should come to England to
see him, as Felim wished to do. This occurred in May 1233. The
castle was never surrendered. The war of Richard Marshall
occurred next year. Richard de Burgo stood by the king, and was
restored to favour. Meanwhile, in 1232, Richard was strengthening
himself. The Annals inform us that he built the castle of Galway,
and that Adam Staunton began that of Donamon.
Donogh, son of Tomaltach MacDermot, is noted by the Four Masters
to have died in Aicideacht, which is a name of the territory of Clann
Cuain. He must have submitted and held the land under Richard,
or one of the O'Conors, or have been only a visitor there.
Felim, being released, secured the adhesion of MacDermot and of
the Three Tuaths, and destroyed the power of the sons of Ruaidhri
by killing Aedh, two of his brothers, two of his nephews, and some
Englishmen near Tibohine. He then turned on R. de Burgo.
"The castles that had been erected through the power of the sons
of Ruaidhri O'Conchobhair and the son of William Burk were
demolished by Fedhlim, viz. the castle of Bun-Gaillmh^, and
Caislen-na-circe and Caislen-na-Caillighe, and the castle of Dun-
Imdhain " (L.C.). This Caislen-na-circe and this Caislen-na-Caillighe
are the castles standing in L. Carra on Castle Island and Hag
Island. The sons of Ruaidhri had their settlements in Carra. The
ruins of the castle on Castle Island are of later date than this period.
The same may probably be said of the little that remains on Hag
84 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Island. The first castles were no doubt very rough. Felim had
things all his own way in Connaiight in the years 1233 and 1234,
owing to Kichard Burk's quarrel with the king and Richard Mar-
shall's war.
Irish family life of the period is illustrated by the following entry
for the year 1234. " Aedh O'hEghra, King of Luighne, was killed by
Donnchadh, son of Duarcan O'hEghra — (a house was burned over him,
and he was killed in the door of the house, after coming out of it) —
in revenge for his having first killed his brother (i.e. Donnchadh's
brother) and the five sons of his father's brother, and having blinded
his other brother" (L.O.). The Annals of Boyle say that Donogh
was A.edh's brother and succeeded him.
In 1235 the English were free to deal with Felim O'Conor, who
had set himself up as king of the ancient kingdom of Connaught.
His position must have seemed very secure to Donogh Cairbrech
O'Brien, King of Thomond, who had accepted the position of a vassal
of King Henry, and had hitherto acted loyally towards him, but now
entered into alliance with Felim.
The justiciary had two objects in view in the campaign of 1235 — to
reduce Felim to subjection or to oust him, and to put R. de Burgo in
possession of his Connaught lordship, which the king had taken up in
1233. The Irish lords in immediate possession of territories were
generally ready to submit. The trouble was with the O'Conors.
Maurice FitzGerald, the justiciary, came in person, accompanied
by R. de Burgo, Hugh de Lacy, Walter de Ridelesford, and John
Cogan. They advanced by Athlone, and reached Boyle Abbey on
Trinity Sunday. They sent detachments thence as far as Glenfarne
in the Co. Leitrim, whom they met at Ardcarne on their return with
the prey. They then adopted what the annalist calls an extraordinary
resolution. They retraced their steps and went through Tirmaine
and Maenmagh into Thomond, to punish Donogh O'Brien, who had
plundered O'Heyne. Felim O'Conor followed them in accordance
with his engagements with O'Brien. They had a good many skir-
mishes, and a battle in which the O'Briens and O'Conors were
defeated. O'Brien submitted. The justiciary then moved against
0' Flaherty, who submitted.
" As to Fedhlim, son of Cathal Crobhderg, however, the resolution
he adopted was to take with him towards O'Domhnaill all the cows
that he found in Conmaicne-Mara and in Conmaicne-na-Cuile, and
those belonging to all who obeyed his counsel— and the son of Magh-
nus,^ and Conchobhar Euadh, son of Muirchertach Muimhnech — and
to leave the country wasted for the Foreigners. After this, truly,
the Foreigners came to Dun-Modhord,^ and sent messengers to Magh-
' Mac Maghnus. 2 Ooon Castle, near Westport.
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 85
nus, son of Muirchertach Muimhnech, to demand peace and hostages
from liim ; and Maghnus gave them neither peace nor hostages.
The Foreigners then sent great predatory bands from Dun-Mugh-
dhord,^ and the sons of Ruaidhri, with innumerable mercenaries ; and
these plundered Eccuill.'- and bi-ought great herds with them to
Druimne, to meet the Foreigners. As regards Aedh O'Flaithbher-
taigh and Eoghan O'hEidhin, however, they went round with a large
army, and with boats which had been brought to Linan-Chinnmhara.^
The boats came with their forces, the Justiciary having gone to meet
them to Druimne, to the callow of Inis-aenaigh.* Maghnus was at
this time, with his vessels, in the sound of the island ; and great
contests and conflicts were waged by them in turn. The Foreigners
were at this time fatigued, and the resolution they adopted was to
occupy a camp, and to withdraw their boats to a corner of the large
strand which was there. When Maghnus "perceived this thing he
proceeded from the sound eastwards, and went upon Inis-rathain ;
and some of his people went upon Inis-aenaigh, and took sheep there-
from to eat. When [the Foreigners] observed, moreover, that Magh-
nus and his people had gone towards the island, and then to another
island, and that they had neither watch nor ward over the Foreigners,
and that the island was between them and the Foreigners — when
the Foreigners perceived this they arose furiously, terribly and
quickly; and they suddenly lifted their boats along the strand, and
pvTt them on the sea, and filled them promptly with forces, and with
armed, mail-clad soldiers, who went upon the two islands, and killed
all the people they found in them. Maghnus and all of his people
who Avere in Inis-rathain, arose and went into their vessels ; and
if O'Maille's people had been esteemed by Maghnus, he {O'Maille)
would have sent his vessels against the Foreigners and their boats.
However, though short the period of the day remaining at this hour,
there was not a cow remaining on any island of Innsi-Modh that was
not transferred to the shore before night ; and [the owners of the coifs\
would have themselves previously gone away, through thirst and
hunger, if they had not been captured ; and many inferior persons
were slain between them this night. On Friday, moreover, the day
following, they went upon the islands of the North of Umhall, and
the masters of the mercenaries, in honour of the Passion, imposed a
restriction that no man should be killed. When the Foreigners had
succeeded in robbing and plundering Umhall, by sea and land, they
proceeded with their cows and preys to Lughbhurtan ; ^ and the
Foreigners went from thence by regular marches to Es-dara, when
^ Doon Castle, near Westport.
2 Country between Clew Bay and Killeries. ^ Leenane.
« Inisbeeny. ^ Luffertaun.
86 thp: early history of the county of mayo.
they committed a depredation on O'Domhnaill, on account of the
banishment to him of Fedhlim." (L.C.)
Maurice FitzGerald held Tii'connell under de Lacy, and had made
O'Donnell submit.
The remark that O'Malley's people had not been esteemed by
Maghnus seems to mean that Maghnus, being settled in Umhall,
acted oppressively towards the O'Malleys, who therefore did not
help him, but rather hoped for his defeat. This seems to have caused
a family quarrel.
The English army came back from the north through Roscommon,
and captured the Rock of Lough Key, and left a garrison there,
which was shut out of the island one day by the Irish warder left
therein. MacDermot thus recovered the Rock.
" The Foreigners afterwards left Connacht without food, clothes,
or cattle ; and they did not carry off with them either pledges or
hostages on this journey ; and they left neither peace, nor quietness,
nor tranquillity, nor happiness in the country ; but the Gaeidhel
themselves were robbing and killing one another regarding the
residue which the Foreigners left in it on this occasion. As regards
Fedhlim, however, he made peace with the Justiciary, and obtained
the King's five cantreds, out of which he was to receive rent and
customs ; and Cormac, son of Tomaltach MacDiarmada, came with
him.^' (L.C.)
The following entries occur in the Annals of Loch Ce, but without
indications of date :—
" Taichlech, son of Aedh O'Dubhda, King of Ui-Amhalghaidh and
TJi-Fiachi'ach, was killed by the discharge of an arrow, whilst inter-
fering {to quell a dispute) in the camp of Fedhlim, son of Cathal
Crobhderg, King of Connacht."
"The two sons of Muiredhach O'Maille, Domhnall and Muircher-
tach, were slain by Domhnall, son of Maghnus, son of Muirchertach
O'Conchobhair, and by Niall Ruadh, son of Cathal O'Conchobhair,
in Cliara, where they were interred also."
" Tuathal, son of Muirchertach O'Conchobhair, was killed by Con-
chobhar Buidhe, son of Toirdhelbhach O'Conchobhair, and by Concho-
bhar, son of Aedh Muimhnech, in hoc anno."
" The mercenaries and kernes who were on Finn-loch of Cera,
acting oppressively on the part of the son of Ruaidhri, were slain by
Maghnus, son of Muirchertach, in hoc anno. . . . The castle of Milic
was broken down by Fedhlim O'Conchobhair,"
The following entry appears in 1236, showing the ill-feeling which
arose in 1235 : " Maelechlainn O'Maille was killed on Oilen-da-
chrunde by Domhnall, son of Maghnus, son of Muirchertach
O'Conchobhair."
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 87
In 1236 Richard de Burgo went to England. He built the castle
of Loughi'ea in this year. A breach occurred between the justiciary
and Felim — about a boundary, according to the Annals of Boyle.
Felim was driven away to Ulster, and Brian, son of Torlogh, son of
Ruaidhri, was set up in his place.
Felim came back at the invitation of O'Kelly, O'Flynn, and others,
and made a successfvil attack on Brian at Randown. MacCostello
was present on Brian's side. Richard de Burgo came against him
with an army, which seems to have met another brought by Maurice
FitzGerald in Roscommon, probably near Castlereagh. The Clan
Murtough seems to have risen as usual. Richard therefore had to go
off to deal with his own rebels, leaving Maurice FitzGerald to deal
with the king's cantreds. His proceedings are thus told : —
"When MacWilliam heard, moreover, that this defeat ^ had been
inflicted on all of his people who had turned against him, he joined
with 0'Conchobhair,2 and came to attack him,'^ or to pacify him.
Diarmaid, son of Maghnus O'Conchobhair, went under the protec-
tion of the son of Muirchertach O'Conchobhair. Then it was that
MacWilliam proceeded without notice, without being observed, to
Tuaim-d;i-ghualann, and from thence to Magh-Eo of the Saxons ; and
not a stack of seed or of corn of all that was in the great relig of
Magh-Eo, or in the relig of the church of Michael the Archangel, was
left without being taken away together ; and three score, or four score
baskets were brought out of these churches, besides every other injury
and disorder committed after them ; but this was of little consequence.
And they went from thence to Turloch, on which the same punish-
ment was inflicted. And they sent out great predatory bands against
the people of the son of Maghnus, who met the people of Conchobhar
Ruadh and of Turlagh, and plundered them all indiscriminately.
Maghnus, indeed, was obliged to send away from him such of the
people of the son of Maghnus O'Conchobhair as had come to him, or
else the same treatment would have been inflicted on him as had
been inflicted on his brother. As to Conchobhar Ruadh, moreover, he
went on the morrow into the house of MacWilliam, and made peace
there ; and his preys of the cows of which he had been plundered
were restored to him ; and what the people of the church found alive
of their stock was given to them. Regarding the son of Maghnus, also,
he went into the house of the Foreigners for the sake of his cows and
people ; i.e. of all that had been left to him of his cows. Then
MacWilliam went to Bulla, where he remained two nights, and
pi'oceeded from thence to Tuaim-da-ghualann ; and he left Connacht
afterwards without food or clothing in church or territory, without
peace, or quiet, or prosperity, but each man attacking his fellow,
^ At Randown. ^ Brian. ^ Felim.
88 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
excepting the supremacy which the sons of INIuirchertuch conceded
to him, . . .
" Great vain, and bad weather, and war in this year ; famine, and
scarcity of food and clothing ; and kernes and sons of malediction,
who had been candle-extinguished by the hands of bishops, without
respect for church or sanctuary ; and superior dignitaiies of the
Catholic church were neither night nor day without suffering from
fear or terror. Numerous retreats and frequent headlong routs to
the churches ioolc place, before Foreigners and Gaeidhel, and lodging-
houses were made of churches and the residences of saints in this
year ; and during the period of twelve years down from the war of
O'Neill were the Foreigners and Gaeidhel plundering in turn, without
sovereignty or supremacy being possessed by one beyond another, but
the Foreigners able to destroy it (^Connarht) every time they came into
it; the king and royal heirs of Connacht pillaging and profaning
territories and churches after them." (L.C.)
This last paragraph expresses the cause of the troubles, the quairel-
ling of the O'Conors and other native chiefs among themselves. The
English policy up to this time had been to leave the Irish chieftains
in possession as vassals, to govern and hold the country through them.
The annalists tell us how completely it failed and why it failed.
O'Brien tried his strength faii-ly, and when beaten accepted his
former position honestly, thereby retaining possession of most of his
territories.
The annalist writes of Richard de Burgo's visit to England in this
year, " And little of Erinn's benefit did he effect by his journey " ; from
which it may be inferred that he arranged with King Henry for a
new policy in his lordship of Connaught — the distribution of it among
the barons of Ireland, and the establishment of colonies and garrisons,
which would compel the Irish chieftains to keep the peace. This
policy was carried out in 1237, when it is noted that "The barons of
Erinn came into Connacht, and commenced to build castles in it " ;
again, in 1238 it is noted that " Castles were erected in Muinter-
Murchada, and in Conmaicne-Ciiile, and in Cera, by the aforesaid
barons."
In 1237 Felim came again and defeated Brian in a small battle.
FitzGerald now gave up the attempt to maintain Brian, but Felim
gave up liis pretensions of independence and accepted the lordship of
the Five Cantreds. He visited King Henry in 1240. Certain it is
that henceforth, until his son Aedh broke into rebellion, he was a
loyal vassal of the king, and kept the peace towards R. de Burgo.
The following notes occur regarding Mayo chieftains in 1237: —
"Maghnus, son of Diarmaid, son of ]Maghnus, was killed by Domh-
nall, son of Diarmaid, son of Ruaidhri O'Conchobhair, in hoc anno.
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 89
Muirchertach, son of Diarmaid, sou of Ruaidhri O'Conchobbair, was
killed by the sons of Maghnus, son of Muirchertach Muimhnech
O'Conchobbair, in this year." (L.C.)
" A depredation was committed by Conchobbar, sou of Cormac,
on Ruaidhri O'Gadbra, whose brother he killed." Conor was a
MacDermot.
In 1238 "Donnchadh, sou of Duarcau O'hEghra, King of Luighne,
was taken prisoner by Tadbg, son of Aedh, son of Catbal Crobbderg ;
and when he was taken away to be confined his own kinsmen, i.e.
the sons of Aedh O'hEghra, slew him on the way in Tir-Briuin-na-
Sinna.
" Maelruanaidh, son of Donnchadh O'Dubbda, was slain by Mael-
sechlainn, son of Conchobbar Rnadh, son of Muirchertach ;Muimhnech
O'Conchobbair, and by the son of Tighernan, son of Catbal Migaran
O'Conchobbair." (L.C.)
These entries, and others, show bow confused were the quarrels of
O'Conors among themselves. If the entries relating to O'Conors who
were not connected with Mayo are taken into account the effect is
still more confusing. One point comes out well. The Clan Murtough
produced very tui-bulent and very able men. They were not in a
position to secure the sovereignty for themselves, but were at all
times ready for war. While they were vassals of de Burgo, or of his
vassals, they were unable to take part in the O'Conor family quarrels.
When they were expelled in 1273, and obliged to live among the other
O'Conors, they took a high position and forced membei's of their
family into the sovereignty of the O'Conors for a time.
In the latter part of this period the following families are ascer-
tained to have been settled in Mayo: Ruaidhri's sons Torlogb and
Aedh in Carra; Clan Murtough, Clan Manus, and Clan Catbal Migaran
in Clann Cuain and in Umhall. The family of Catbal Crobbderg
was probably settled among the Conmaicne, but whether they were
actually settled or not, the Conmaicne were very much under the
control of the O'Conor kings. The Ciarraighe were in much the
same position.
In the new order all the O'Conors were expelled from Mayo except
Clan Murtough, who remained in Umhall and perhaps in Clann
Cuain for thirty years.
O'Dowda was turned out of Tirawley. O'Gara and O'Hara were
turned out of Gallen and North Costello. Thus they cease to be
Mayo families.
CIIAPTEU X.
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAUIS TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
Under King Cathal Crovderg, the transition from Irish to Koman
discipline and practice was completed by transfer of the ancient
endowments to the bishops, and imposition of a legal liability to pay
tithes, which must have been made effective by the beginning of the
thirteenth century, as the paiish work could not be carried on without
land or tithes. The tithe not being equivalent to the glebes and
conventual lands, much amalgamation of parishes was necessai-y,
which we know to have taken place at that time.
The tithe was soon taken away in great part by assignment of
rectories to monasteries, until only a few incumbents were rectors,
who usually held the rectory by right of cathedral office. The
bishop took one-fourth and the rector three-fourths, or the rector half
and the curate one-fourth. In the fifteenth century even vicarages
were made over to the College of Galway.
The ancient abbeys of Cong and Mayo kept rectories of parishes
which must have been for the most part under their management
from early times. Other rectories were assigned to new foundations,
and others after 1237 by the new lords to monasteries with which
they had family connection in other provinces. Land given to a
monastery carried the tithe with it. The parochial clergy were so
sacrificed to the monks that after a time in some dioceses of Ireland
the bishops had difficulty in filling the charges, and to do so had to
get dispensation for removal of disqualification.
Errew Abbey has been noted as the first built in this country
under the influence of the ideas and system introduced with the Cis-
tercians of Mellifont. Cong was re-edified in the beginning of the
thirteenth century, and Inishmaine probably a little earlier. These
and Mayo are the only houses which survived from the early period,
unless, as is probable, the small house of nuns near Ballinrobe,
called Killeennacrava, be a survival.
In 1216 Ballintubber Abbey, which became one of the greatest
abbeys of Mayo, as rich or richer and second to Cong only in
antiquity and reputation, was founded for Regular Canons of St,
90
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS TO SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 91
Augustine of noble birth, the first original foundation under the new
system in this county.
To the period between 1170 and 1230 we may assign such great
parish chiirches as those of Shrule, Holyrood at Ballinrobe, and Bur-
riscarra, all about ninety feet long in Gothic style, as built by the
descendants of Torlogh Mor O'Conor, being found where those O'Conors
are known to have settled, and not elsewhere in Mayo as far as I know.
Here they came as new lords, and built great churches for themselves
in the style of their time, as the new English lords soon after founded
abbeys for themselves. The local chieftain families had no occasion
to build new churches, nor inducement to sever connection with their
own old abbey churches. Nor did the transfer of lands to bishops, and
consequent decay of the convents of monks with which their families
had been associated, encourage them to endow fresh communities.
These changes must have been felt in the social life of the people,
though we cannot say how they were felt, as we have no knowledge
of daily life in the country in general. They were brought about by
a change in the feelings of the superior clergy, and not in conse-
quence of changes in the feeling of the people of the country. The
disappearance of so many of the clergy, though no doubt spread over
some years, made a difference between old days and new. The con-
quest of Connaught, and appearance of new lords and their followers
throughout the greater part of Connaught, and over neaily all Mayo
in particular, made the break complete and sudden.
Churchmen played no visible part in the history of this county.
Lay and ecclesiastical history may be said to run side by side, but
the course of the latter was affected by the former, which made the
ecclesiastical tendencies already at work general and effective.
In the wars of conquest and settlement the clergy had no part.
Irish bishops and abbots were not warriors or servants of their kings.
But when the country was settled we find that Archbishop Flann
MacFlynn and Bishop John O'Laidigh of Killala petitioned the king
in 1255 on behalf of themselves and the clergy for redress of grievances
connected mainly with legal proceedings of the king's ministers, and
that they got a remedy on several points. On the whole the griev-
ances seem to have arisen in administration of the law through a
wide expanse of country not yet fully settled and fitted for the king's
legal system in all respects, and not from actual wrongdoing, though
they did make some complaints of corrupt practices ; to which the
king could answer only as he did, that such things were forbidden
and that he would punish any ofiicer against whom misconduct was
proved.
Walter of Salerno was appointed archbishop in 1258, but did not
live to come to the diocese. Until the appointment of Stephen Ful-
92 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
bourne in 128G, tlie archbishops were of (4aelic family. Stephen was
the king's minister, and cannot have done much in the diocese. He
was succeeded in 1289 by William Bermingham, a son of Meyler,
who was head of the Connaught branch of the family, a turbulent
man who quarielled with his clergy. But those quarrels had no con-
nection with Mayo. The archbishops were of Gaelic family after his
death in 1312.
The first English bishop of Killala was John Tankard, elected
in 1306. No Englishman was appointed to Achonry for a long
time.
8o long as the king's power prevailed in Connaught, bishops were
appointed in the usual course ; the king gave the Chapter leave to
elect, and assented to the election if sjifcisfied, whereupon the elect
was presented to the Pope for confirmation. As this course was not
always exactly followed, disputes arose from time to time. When the
king's power disappeared his interference ceased. By the close of the
fourteenth century the Chapters had lost their rights, and the Pope
appointed as he pleased. In the fifteenth century clergymen work-
ing in England were appointed bishops of Achonry and Annagh-
down, who never came to their dioceses. Some were suffragans of
English bishops. The appointments must have been made to give
them income. They paid substantial fees to the Pope on appoint-
ment, which would not have been paid for honorary title. The
bishopric of Mayo was revived in this century, and at least one
bishop, John Bell, appointed in 1493, was a suffragan of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury. After his time it was again amalgamated
with Tuam.
In such conditions it is no wonder that the Cathedral Church of
Achonry was in ruins, and that the Cathedral Church of Tuam was only
the chancel of the great church built by King Torlogh Mor, the nave
having fallen in 1184. Legate Wolf describes the church as having
been used as a fortress for 300 years until Archbishop Bodkin
recovered it for religious use. It is hard to understand this, that it
was abandoned in the thirteenth century, when Stephen Fulbourne left
articles for use there, and the king orders various articles to be handed
over to the Dean and Chapter for decoration of the church. The
explanation may be that the ruined nave was adapted as a fortified
dwelling for the archbishop, which he would require in the thirteenth
century ; that eventually it fell into lay hands when the archbishop
lived elsewhere, of which there is some evidence in the division of
Connaught and Thomond of 15'^4, which mentions Archbishop Lally
in the county of Galway only as Bishop of Annaghdown, and describes
the archbishopric of Tuam and the bishoprics of Mayo and Killala
as in the county of Mayo. The archbishops had large manors
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS TO SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 93
at Aghagower and Kilniaine, and may have been in the habit of
living there.
The Chapters fell into decay and • existed only in name. The
members ceased to do duties except as incumbents of parishes held
as prebends. Prebendaries who survived seem to be canons who
held no particular office. In some cases the title of Prebendary
survived without emoluments.
With such corruption and decay in all that relates to the episcopal
order, we can understand that the parochial clei'gy fell into a very
poor state, depressed and neglected more aiad more until the Church
I'eached its lowest point of corruption in the beginning of the six-
teenth centui-y.
Degradation of secular and exaltation of regular clergy corre-
spond with and account for the difference between contemporaneous
parochial and monastic architecture. In the beginning of the
thirteenth century the new monastic and parochial churches in the
Gothic style present such differences as might be expected from the
different size and purpose, but the further developments in monastic
architecture were not accompanied by like developments in parish
churches. We find similar ornament, the fashion of the day, and
there the likeness ends. Growth should have been, but was not,
parallel. We find no reason for this but the fact that the monasteries
got most of the money, that it was hard to raise funds for parish
purposes. Those who designed the doors, windows, and towers of the
abbey churches could have made and executed designs of equal grace
and elegance on a smaller scale. But the standard parish church was
a poor, mean building apart from difference in size.
The conquest imposed a marked change on architecture. The
Gothic style came in naturally at first, adapted to existing conditions,
as in the distinctly Gothic churches of Illaunnaglashy and Kinlough
with rooms for the clergy at the west end, and a square tower opening
into them, of about the same date as the three great parish churches,
with which they should be classed rather than with the other parish
churches. After the conquest most of the peculiar llomanesque
features were thrown off in new work, but the churches are on the
plan of the Romanesque churches with door and window frames of
the new fashion, but modified from the English style, very much in
the direction of using very few windows, and those only narrow slits,
to economise glass and keep out wind and rain.
These later parish churches usually show ogival ornament and
mouldings, where any are left. But, on the other hand, they show
rather the proportions and the arrangements of the Romanesque
churches, as if they were a reversion to Gaelic usage in church prac-
tices concurrently with adoption of Gaelic social customs. Families
94 THE EAl^LY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
of rank lebuilt or reconstructed ancient parish churches. Of course
the plan would remain the same wlieu the "restoration" consisted of
insertion of more fashionable door and window frames in old walls, a
not uncommon case. Other churches were enlarged only by lengthen-
ing. When the new church was built on a new site the architect was
free to design the best that the funds allowed.
The old parish church of Inishrobe at Cuslough, now called Tempul
na Lecca, is a good example. The earlier church is on Inishrobe,
28 ft. 6 in. long by 10 ft. 2 in. wide inside. The new church,
showing ogival ornament, is on the mainland. It needs only to be
stripped of ivy and plants, to be roofed and plastered, to restore it to
its original condition. It measures 41 ft. by 18 ft. 6 in. inside. The
plan is typical of most parish churches of its period, whether I'estored
Romanesque or original. They differ a little in proportion of length
and breadth, but the arrangements of doors and windows are in sub-
stance the same. The east window is generally very narrow, but
sometimes large and even double, as at Islandeady. In the south
wall is another narrow splayed window, close to the east wall in order
to light the altar. In Tempul na Lecca it is so close to the east
wall that the splay is only four inches on that side. This is some-
times larger, as at Kilmolai-a, where there is a mullion. A door is in
the south wall near the west end. If the church is long a small slit
may be found between the door and the west wall, or even two as
at Islandeady. The church of Kilgeever is almost a copy of Tempul
na Lecca, and the old church of Addergool on Lough Con seems to
have been the same. This might be called a standard plan. These
must have been very dark and gloomy places of worship.
The restored chvuches vary much, but are mainly of the same simple
plan. The chancel of earlier times has been dropped. Where it is
found, the church is a survival from a time when chancels were in
fashion, when an earlier church was made a chancel by adding a nave,
or was made a nave by adding a chancel.
The case of the monasteries differs widely, showing a course of
prosperity and increase until the year 14G9, when the last foundation
was made in Mayo.
The small aVjbey on Clare Island is said to have been founded in
1224 for Carmelites, but as it was a cell of Knockmoy at the dissolu-
tion, and as it is improbable that a very small house would have been
founded in such a remote place before the order was well established
in these parts, we shall do better to take it to have been always
Cistercian. If the date he correct, it is the first house founded in
Mayo for what may be called the new orders as distinguished from
the Augustinian Canons, who seem to have been but a reformation of
old Irish orders.
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS TO SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 95
After the Conquest most dates are fairly certain. Some of the
greater of the new lords established monasteries, according to the
custom of the time, as soon as they were settled in their new baronies.
The great lords who held whole cantreds were the first to do so, and
lesser lords did the same later on ; but the abbey-building period
in Mayo was for about a hundred years — from the middle of the
fourteenth century.
The Monastery of Athlethan, or Strade Abbey, is the earliest of
known date. Jordan de Exeter founded it for Franciscans before
1252, when it was made over to the Dominicans. It was burnt in
1254 and rebuilt. The present ruins are those of a restoration of
1434, showing a large and beautiful church. Rathfran, a much
smaller establishment, was an offshoot of this house, founded in 1274,
probably by Stephen de Exeter.
Though we do not know of its existence for certain until 1337,
the House of Hermits of St. Augustine at Ballinrobe may be
the earliest Anglo-Norman foundation in the county. The archi-
tecture suggests an early date, and the size a great lord as
founder. Maurice FitzGerald founded many monasteries. As soon
as he was in firm possession of his great Sligo estate he built that
abbey, and is likely to have given this house for his South Mayo
estate.
Burriscarra is undated, but is in an early style, likely to have
been built while Oarra was under one great baron. It was built for
Carmelites, but being abandoned by them for thirty years, was made
over in 1412 to Austin Friars from Ballinrobe. Archbishop King
says it was founded in 1298.
Ballinsmalla, also undated, was a small Carmelite house, which
may be safely attributed to the Prendergasts of that barony.
The military orders do not appear in Mayo except in connection
with the House of St. John at Ballinrobe, a farm given to the Hospital
probably in the thirteenth century, as the Prior of the Hospital of
St. John in Ireland had a bailiff there before 1304.
The only nunneries in Mayo were the ancient Killeennacrava, and
Inishmaine which was made over to the great Benedictine Nunnery
of Kilcreevanty at an unknown date.
We find two distinct plans of the greater abbey churches, which
may be called standard plans of their period ; but the minor houses
differed from them, as might be expected, having smaller churches on
various simple plans.
The earlier or thirteenth-century plan is a long rectangle, with a
chapel at the west end opening into the north or south wall of the
nave, and with conventual buildings on the opposite side, as at Rath-
fran, Ballinrobe, Burriscarra, Ballyhaunis, and Urlare. The original
96 THE EARLY HLSTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
pluu of Strade is uncertain. The chancel is thirteenth-century work,
altered later on.
The later or fourteenth-century plan, which came into Connaught
in the fourteenth century, is a long church divided into choir and
nave by two arches supporting two sides of a nearly square central
tower or belfry, with transept and aisle sometimes. The belfry is
lofty, and being less than the full width of the church, is elegant and
slender. Bui-rishoole is exceptional in Mayo in having a tower the
full width of the church. The choir is sometimes less than the full
width of the nave. Such are llosserk and Moyne, and such was
Murrisk, whereof only the choir is left with enough to show what
the tower was.
At the dissolution the monasteries we»"e distributed as follows in
the baronies : —
KiLMAINE.
1. Augustinian Canons. Cong. Ancient and very rich.
2. Augustinian Canonesses. Killeennacrava. An ancient small
nunnery, which seems to have been under Cong.
3. Augustinian Hermits. Ballinrobe. Founded before 1337.
■i. Benedictine Nuns. Inishmaine. An ancient monastery, occu-
pied in the early thirteenth century by men, probably Augustinian
Canons, but afterwards made over to the Benedictine Nunnery of
Kilcreevanty.
5. Knights Hospitallers. Ballinrobe. St. John's House was pro-
bably only a farm, not inhabited by Knights. It was in their
possession in the thirteenth centui-y.
6. Franciscans. Annagh. It is said to have been founded in 1440
by Walter Bourke, MacWilliam, who died in it, as a cell of Cong. If
so, it was afterwards transferred to the Franciscans.
7. Franciscans — Third Order. Killeenbrenan or Kilbrenan, now
called Moorgagagh. Founded in 1428, probably by one of the
Bourkes.
Carra.
8. Augustinian Canons. Ballintubber. Founded by King Cathal
O'Conor in 1216. A very rich house. The church is in Gothic
style, with Norman features. The Canons were to be of noble birth.
Cross Abbey, in Erris, was under it.
9. Augustinian Hermits. Burriscarra. Founded for Carmelites
in 1298, probably by Adam Staunton. Being abandoned by them for
thirty years, Austin Friars from Ballinrobe occupied it, and were
confirmed in it in 1412.
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS TO SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 97
BURRISOOL.
10. Dominicans. Burrisool. Founded in 1469 by Richard Bourke,
MacWilliam. It was then but a wooden house, probably occupied
hurriedly as a place for Mac William's retirement.
MURRISK.
11. Cistercians. Clare Island. A cell under Knockmoy, but said
to have been founded for Carmelites in 1224.
12. Augustinian Hei"mits. Murrisk. Said to have been founded
in the fourteenth century by O'Malley.
TiRAWLEY.
13. Augustinian Canons. Errew. An ancient foundation. The
remains were built probably in the twelfth or early thirteenth
century.
14. Premonstratensian Canons. Killeennatrinody. In Killeen
townland in Kilbride parish. A cell under the Canons of the Holy
Trinity of Lough Key.
15. Augustinian Hermits. Ardnarea. Founded before 1402.
16. Dominicans. Rathfran. Founded in 1274 by a de Exeter,
probably Stephen.
17. Franciscans — Conventuals. Bofeenaun. Probably a late foun-
dation, but nothing is known of its history.
18. Franciscans — Observantins. Moyne. Founded in 1458 by
Thomas Bourke, MacWilliam. A very important house ; the ruins
are still in good condition.
19. Fi-anciscans — Third Order. Crossmolina. Founded before 1306,
probably by a de Barry.
20. Franciscans — Third Order. Rosserk. This very fine building is
said to have been founded by a Joy in 1400. It is difficult to explain
why a Joy should have founded a house in Tirawley at that time.
Erris.
21. Augustinian Canons. Cross. A cell vmder Ballintubber, founded
probably in the fourteenth century or beginning of the fifteenth.
G ALLEN.
22. Dominicans. Strade, or Athlethan. Founded for Franciscans
before 1252 by Jordan de Exeter, who transferred it to Dominicans.
23. Premonstratensian Canons. Killeen. In Killeen townland of
Attymas parish, whereof it held the rectory. A cell under the
Canons of the Holy Trinity of Lough Key.
G
98 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Clanmorris.
24. Augustinian Canons. Mayo. The abbey became the cathedral
while the bishopric lasted. The ruins are of a much later date.
A little of the ancient cashel remains. It owned a considerable
estate.
25. Carmelites. Ballinsmalla. Of unknown origin, probably founded
by a Prendergast.
COSTELLO.
26. Augustinian Hei-mits. Ballyhaunis. Founded by Sliocht Jordan
Duff MacCostello, a little before or after 1400 probably. The com-
munity never ceased to exist, as a few friars always lived at Bally-
haunis near their old house.
27. Dominicans. XJrlare. Founded by MacCostello in 1434. The
friars had been for two years in another place, probably the Carheen
in Crossbeg townland in Aghamore parish.
The cessation of abbey-building must be attributed to decay in the
Church and loss of fervour and religious feeling. We have no reason
to suppose that Mayo was in better condition than other parts of the
country regarding which there is direct evidence. The parish cures
could not be filled without frequent dispensations for unqualified
persons. There was no difficulty in filling monasteries.
General corruption brought about in other countries a desire for
im])rovement and reform which took effect in the sixteenth century,
but no such desire appears to have been felt in the Gaelic and
Gaelicised parts of Ireland. Reformation came here from without,
and not from within. The clergy of all kinds had lost their hold
on the people. Great lords and their subjects alike had no regard
for them, and left them to Pope and King to deal with at their
pleasure.
Thomas O'^Iullaly was appointed archbishop by the Pope in 1513,
and lived untroubled by the spirit of inquiry, as far as we know,
until his death in 1536. When he was appointed the Pope's power
was undisputed ; when he died that power was gone wherever the
king established his authority in any degree.
The king now appointed Christopher Bodkin, whom the Pope had
previously made Bishop of Kilmacduagh, to be Ai-chbishop of Tuam,
and the appointment held good. The Pope appointed Arthur O'Frizil,
but the appointment had no effect. Lord Deputy Grey had come to
Galway, and had intervened in the succession of MacWilliam Oughter.
This was enough to take the power out of the Pope's hands.
It is a measure of the indifference of the people rather than of the
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS TO SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 99
power of the king, which was in truth but slight. The king put his
man in possession, and no one would turn him out. There was,
indeed, no reason why any one should interfere. The services of
the Church went on as usual without apparent change for many
years yet.
Nevertheless Bodkin's appointment, apart from his position being
due to the king, was the beginning of change. He appears to have
tried to bring about an improvement of his clergy. His account of
the clergy of his dioceses drawn up at the beginning of Queen Eliza-
beth's reign shows that several incumbents are studying at Oxford,
where he was educated, and at Dublin. The list also shows that the
parochial revenues were very largely usurped by men of rank, who
are described as withholding profits. This probably means seizure of
or withholding of tithes, and certainly denotes that laymen very com-
monly disregarded the rights of the Church.
Queen Elizabeth exercised some patronage of dignities, but there
was very little interference on her part for some time. Her power
was not made effective in these countries until the close of Sir IS".
Malbie's government. Owen O'Gallagher was made Bishop of Killala
by the Pope in 1574. After his death Owen O'Conor, brother of Sir
Donnell O'Conor Sligo, was elected, but his election was not confirmed
until 1591, when it was confirmed by the queen as a reward for good
service. Owen O'Hart was appointed by the Pope in 1562 to be
Bishop of Achonry. At his death in 16U3, Miler Magrath was ap-
pointed by the queen.
Bodkin's appointment was soon followed by the acts for the dissolu-
tion of the monasteries. It is hard to say how far the orders for
dissolution were immediately effective in Mayo and the other parts of
Connaught which were practically free from the power of the Crown.
For many years the monks and friars occupied as usual their build-
ings, which were useless to grantees, because a man rich enough to
occupy such large buildings must live in a castle at that time. We
have evidence of surrenders of the possessions of the great houses,
and evidence of grants, but we have no evidence to show whether
such grantees as the Earl of Clanricard took real possession of the
lands or left them to the monks. The grants reserved rents, indeed,
but rents were not paid by the great lords in the west with exact
punctuality in those days.
The monasteries had lost possession when the queen's Government
was well established in Connaught. The inquisitions taken about
the time of the composition show that their possessions had not
been exactly ascertained, except in the case of some of the great
houses, which had been dealt with by leases and grants. The minor
houses of this county seem to have been ignored, and inquisitions
100 TFIE EARIA' HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
were taken then with a view to disposal by the Crown of their
possessions, which were in hiy hands apparently.
On the whole it may be said that the Reformation was not much
felt here in Bodkin's time. The Mass was not prohibited until 1559,
and in fact continued until the queen's Government enforced the law
in the last quarter of the century, when priests and friars were agents
of the Pope and King of Spain to foment rebellion. So far as it
was suppressed, the suppression affected only parts of Connaught.
Countries under such lords as O'Rourk were left free from interfer-
ence. But in Mayo and Galway, and other parts where government
had been made effective, the revival of the Mass is cited as evidence
of the confidence of the rebels. Except as a measure of precaution
against rebellion, the Government did not meddle much in religious
matters in this country, having its hands full with war and rebellion.
It was not possible for the Government to deal with the Church
generally during the turmoil of the close of this century.
&THE FIVE CANTREDS OF THE KING.
7harter.
'ENGLISH MILES.
STANFORD'S OEOGRAPHIC/IL EST/IBT, LONDON.
THE DE BURGO LORDSHIP OF CONNAUGHT & the FIVE CANTREDS OF THE MNG.
1 i '9 I? y 3>
c
CHAPTER XI.
ENFEOFFMENT AND COLONISATION.
The partition of Connaught has been dealt with in articles in
volumes xxxi., xxxii., xxxiii. of the Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland, based on the inquisitions taken in 1333 after
the death of Earl William de Burgo. In this chapter the subject
will be treated with reference to the first settlement, details being
given in the chapters relating to baronies. A few errors ai'e cor-
rected by later information.
Loughrea, Portumna, Meelick, and Galway were Richard de
Burgo's chief castles in the south, in connectioii with which he
made settlements and kept great tracts of country under his im-
mediate control. Loughrea was the head of the whole lordship of
Connaught, and was called the Manor of Loughrea, whereon all the
fees depended. The only tract held in demesne in North Connaught
was that which depended on the castle of Tubberbride, Ballintubber
in Roscommon, called the cantred of Sylmolron, comprising the de
Burgo part of the county of Roscommon, except Artagh and the
lands of the Kerry of Moy Ai. All Mayo was let in great fees.
The courts in Mayo mentioned in the inquisitions seem to have been
established by feoffees whose tenures the chief lord had acquired.
Large tracts were let to the principal barons for low rents and
services, and sometimes for knight-service only, as they had to incur
great expense in establishing themselves and settling colonists. A
good deal of transfer naturally followed the sudden division of so large
a counti-y, some of the grantees finding it convenient to transfer
their grants immediately. Thus the great FitzGerald estate was built.
The inquisitions ignore Conmaicne Cuile Toladh, but we know
that Maurice FitzGerald had a grant of the western half, including
the barony of Ross. He acquired the eastern half from Gerald
Roche, who seems to have acquired from Gerald Prendergast. The
whole must have been held by knight-service in 1333, as no rents
are reserved.
Maurice FitzGerald acquired Tir Nechtain and Tir Enna probably
from Gerald Prendergast, as that family was settled there from very
early days, but here again Gerald Roche appears as transferor of
some lands in these territories together with his half of Conmaicne
101
102 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Cuile. Tlie Avhole territory -was called the cantred of Crich Fir
Thire in 1:^33.
Adam Staunton, a great baron of Kildare, got Caria pioper, and
a de Barry got what was called the half cantred of Fir Thire and
Olann Cuain.
Henry Butler got the half cantred in Umhall called Owyll Butler,
held to these days on titles depending on the original grant. The
rest of Umhall appears in 1333 broken into estates held at higher
rents, suggesting that an early intermediate tenure had disappeared.
The southern part of Tirawley was called the cantred of Bac and
Glen. It is doubtful who was the oiiginal feoffee, probably Richard
Carew, who certainly had a connection with this country. But
William Barrett was the actual tenant of the greater part.
The northern part was called the cantred of Tirawley, where a
Barrett and Adam Cusack were the principal tenants. Here again
there is evidence of the disappearance of an intermediate tenure of
Petit and Cusack.
Ardnarea, afterwards part of Tirawley, was in Earl Hugh de
Lacy's cantied of Tii'eragh, but was in immediate possession of Peter
Bermingham, as the manor of Ardnarea, called in 1333 the cantred of
Tirremoy. The de Lacy tenure had then passed to the de Burgo earls.
Clan Murtough Mweenagh lived in Erris until 1274 under un-
known conditions. Adam Fleming had a large estate there at his
death in 1281. Later on we find that Stephen de Exeter had lands at
Dookeeghan, and Henry Butler at Ballycroy under Jordan de Exeter,
who must have come into possession of the cantred when the O'Conors
were driven out, unless they had been holding' under his father.
Hugh de Lacy had a grant of the cantreds of Carbury, Corran,
Luighne, Sliabh Lugha, and Tireragh, for the service of 10 knights
and 100 marks. He transferred the first three to Maurice Fitz-
Gerald, who formed them into the manor of Sligo and built the
castles of Sligo and Banada.
Sliabh Lugha of this grant comprised Gallen, which apj^eais in
the inquisitions as half the cantred of Lowyu or Lowyn. Hugh
made it the manor of Meelick, which his widow and her husband,
"William de Lungespee, recovered in 1249 as one-third of five cantreds
in Connaught assigned to her as dower, and given by her to Richard
de Burgo in exchange for his manor of Disert Lawrence in Limerick,
which had since been taken from her. Richard had taken Earl
Hugh's place here as Avell as in Tireragh.
Gallen fell to Jordan de Exeter, and Slial)h Lugha proper to
Miles de Angulo, who appear in history in connection with these
tei-ritories at about the same time, and who probably weie the
earliest grantees under Earl Hugh.
ENFEOFFMENT AND COLONISATION. 103
The lands of the Kerry Oughter and of the Kerry of Lochnarney
do not come to notice for some time. John FitzThomas of Desmond
had hekl the latter and some land of the Kerry of Moy Ai under
Sir Maurice of London. Henry Roche held under John and his
successors by way of exchange for the manor of Mallow in Munster.
At the close of the century he paid £33, 6s. 8d. yearly as rent to
Maurice FitzThomas. Of the lands of the Kerry Oughter nothing
is known.
A strong castle was built in each great fee to be held by a garrison
to maintain the lord's authority, to protect his colonists, and to
command the country. The Anglo-Normans had no liking for the
stone forts of the Gael, preferring earthworks with wooden palisading,
which could be put up quickly for temporary occupation. The weak
point of the circular forts was the want of flanking defence. The
Normans used Bretasches or wooden towers for this purpose in some
cases. The cahers and raths were not large enough to hold the
settlers and soldiers who came to occupy the country. We have
evidence of the readiness of the early invaders to throw up forts
and entrenchments for themselves, to avoid, as we may suppose,
breaking up their strength by distribution in forts not close together.
Ballylahan is the sole examj)le in this county of a typical baronial
castle of the thirteenth century, A projecting spur from the high
ground above the Broad Ford of the Moy, then perhaps crov/ned by
such a rath as is by the roadside between it and Strade, was chosen
for Jordan de Exeter's house and castle. The top was surrounded
by high walls with towers giving flanking defence and accommoda-
tion for inmates and stores, and a large barbican about the gateway
was the principal dwelling-house, facing the hill at the connecting
neck of ground, which was cut by a ditch. The large courtyard was
of irregular shape, because the walls followed the crest of the slope.
Castlemore Costello has disappeared, except enough to show that
it was not the late I'ectangular tower and rectangular baun. Little
is left of Brees Castle, which was perched on a hill. Castlecarra
is on a peninsvila whose isthmus is defended by a strong wall and
gateway. The remains of the tower and buildings are so obscured
by bushes that details cannot be made out. The early Lough Mask
castle has been replaced by a fortified house of the early seventeenth
century. The castles of Burrisool, Castlebar, and Kilcolman have
disappeared or left only traces. From Downing's description of the
remains of Castlebar in 1684 we may infer that it was of the
Ballylahan type with round towers.
We are told that the Gael turned the seven towers of Banada
into a monastery, which suggests that it was of Ballylahan type.
It occupies a similar position by a ford of the Moy. Banada,
104 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Ballylahan, and Castlekirk at Foxfoi'd secured easy passage across
the great rivei-.
Some may have been of the simple type of Moygara Castle, a
large lectangle enclosed by high walls with square towers at the
corners. Walter de Ridelesford's castle at Headford, built at the
first occupation, was apparently of this type.
The first castles of Mayo were probably walls enclosing a large
courtyard, with flanking towers at intervals if the site was irregulai',
or large towers at the four corners of a rectangle if the ground
allowed such a plan. The lofty tower-house with small towers at
the corners of the baun was a later development.
The owners of the great fees formed them into manors, sometimes
breaking them into several manors, and their feoffees likewise made
manors of their estates if they were large enough. The records
mention the manors of Lough Mask, Roba, Moyne, Shrule, Lehinch,
Carra, Castlemore, Ballycroy, Dookeeghan, and the episcopal manors
of Cong, Kilmaine, Aghagower, and Kilmoremoy.
We may assume that manors were organised wherever there was
a suSicient English colony to require the machinery. The estates in
hands of Irishmen would not be made manors, as they had no need
for such machinery.
Each manor had some house or castle as its head. But the castle
of the inferior manor would be less than that of the lord of a cantred
or barony, leather a fortified house, its importance varying with the
importance of the manor.
The earliest castles were commonly built on the site of or close to
an important dun, as Castlemore close to Ailech Mor, and Castlekirk
replacing Dunguaire in Tirawley, or in places of military importance,
where there may have been duns already. When we consider the
lesser castles, whose sites did not depend on general military objects,
but on local convenience, this is more apparent. As the enfeoffments
followed the known tribal and clan divisions of lands, we may say
that the Gaelic Tuath often became a Norman manor, and its chief's
dun the lord's manor-house. The name of manor has not survived,
because it denoted only a legal condition.
When the grantee of a large estate came to settle tenants, he would
naturally occupy some convenient fort or throw up a temporary
entrenched camp. This camp, or the fort if an eai-then one, would
be called le Mote by the settlers, and thus I presume the name of
Moat has clung to three townlands in this county, and to several in
other parts of Connauglit, and down to the sixteenth century to land
near Togher House in this county, which are alike in having no trace
of the high flat-topped mound which has been called Moat, but do
generally show low earthworks, in some cases not like the ordinary
ENFEOFFMENT AND COLONISATION. 105
rath. Mx'. Westropp's researches have shown that the Normans
applied the term mote to any kind of defensive earthwork, and this
dejBnition covers the Connaught moats.
Though this Norman name has stuck to some of their first dwelling-
phxces, they were not the permanent abodes of the lords. The name
seems to denote an early occupation, which was abandoned in favour
of a stone house or tower which would be called a castle. Or if the
original "mote" was changed by building a .stone hov;se or tower,
then the name was changed also. The common case is that the castle
has been built near the old fort.
Three buildings survive in ]Mayo from which we may infer the
nature of the early small manor-house or small castle. Ballykine
Castle was at first an oblong house measuring 24 ft. 3 in. by 17 ft.
10 in. inside. The ground floor was two rooms, 14 ft. and 7 ft.,
the smaller one vaulted, and the upper floor a single room fairly
well lighted. The lower rooms had but a couple of small slits in the
smaller i-oom, and a slit beside the door into the large room. The
lower door may not have been original. Access to the upper floor
was by a door in the side wall, reached now by a covered flight of
steps along the side of the house, which seems to be part of the
addition. The ca.stles of Cuslough and Ballisnahiney suggest that
the sole original entrance was the upper doorway, reached by a
ladder. There was no fireplace.
This was a house, defensible against robber gangs, not a tower or
castle. The country must have been in a fairly peaceful condition.
A time came when stronger defence was wanted, and was given by
additional work on each side supporting a walk and a parapet with
embrasures for shooting arrows. A small square tower of at least
four .stories was added to one end, to which there was access only
from the house.
Under the great de Burgo lords, the country was in such peace
generally that a gentleman of some position could safely live in such
a house. From 1333 began a period of increasing disorder. We
must assign this house to the thirteenth or early fourteenth century.
The additions cannot be dated, but must have been there in the
sixteenth century when MacDonnells occupied the castle.
The house was built on the slope of the south end of a ridge, in or
on the edge of a caher which formed its baun. The .souterrain of the
caher is seen, owing to covering stones having fallen in. The English
or Norman settler built his good stone house in the caher of the
O'Caidhins. {Joicnial of Gahvay Arcli'volotjical and Historical Society,
vol. iii. p. 95.)
Cuslough Castle may be described as a larger and better Ballykine,
without a tower, but with the side parapets as part of the original
106 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
plan. The entrance to the first floor is in a gable. It measures
32 ft. 4 in. by 25 ft. inside.
Ballisnahiney Castle is a small tower, 42 ft. by 27 ft. outside, with
an entrance to the first floor. Holes in the wall below it are suitable
for corbels to support a stone flag as at Cuslough, and two holes above
it suggest that a door was hung above which could be pushed up and
let fall. The same arrangement seems to have been in use at Cus-
lough, where tlie entrance shows no sign of door fittings, and the wall
above is so covered with ivy that holes or stones may be above. In
both castles one side is gone. Cuslough Castle was inhabited in the
nineteenth century, and had modern doorways for the ground floor.
We may be sure that these entrances to the first floor would not have
been made if there had been entrances to the ground floor.
The castle of Ballisnahiney is inside Lis na hEighrighe, a caher
which formed its baun, having a large cave.
Castlelucas shows only the lower part of the walls of a house or
castle about the size of Ballisnahiney, within a wide deep circular
ditch as of an old fort.
Ballykine and Cuslough may be put together as houses. Ballisna-
hiney is a tower. Castleconor in Sligo may be classed with it in
respect of having only narrow slits as windows, and occupying the
site of Dun MicConor, though much larger, as might be expected,
seeing that it was the head of a large manor.
The only manor in Mayo regarding which we have any details is
the sub-manor of Lehinch or Muinter Crechain, which appears in the
Plea Rolls of 28-30, 33 Ed. I., 2 Edw. II. William Prendergast sued
Henry, son of Henry Roche, the actual lord of the manor, and his free-
holders for possession, alleging that they had no entry except after
Gerald Roche had unjustly dispossessed his grandfather "William after
King Henry's first passage to Gascony, 1243. The other defendants
called Henry to warranty, and he called to warranty George Roche, a
Munster lord. The decision is not entered in the Rolls. The Roche
possession of over fifty years was admitted. W. Prendergast seems
to have been suing on a title which his ancestor had passed to Gerald
Roche. The suit must have been dismissed, as Henry's widow sued
for dower in 2 Edw. II., and her claim was admitted.
From the first suit are taken the particulars showing the townlands
held in demesne and the names of the freeholders. The townland
names are given in modern spelling if still in use. The best of the
alternative forms is selected from the others.
Plea Rolls, 28 Edw. I. Roll 52, m. 4.
William de Prendergast v. Henry de Rupe for the vills of Clonco,
Balylayne, Dericoul Oughteragh, Derinrus, and Baliblohagh
in Muintercrechain.
ENFEOFFMENT AND COLONISATION. 107
V. Milo f. Philip de Rupe for the vill of Conlcon.
V. Henry f. John ., ,, ,, Ardalas.
V. David f. Henry ,, „ ,, Synnaghcathyn.
?'. Henry f. Henry ,, ,, ,, Dericoul Ighteragh.
• V. Richard f . John de Burgo for the \ vill of Skealoghan.
r. John le Whyte „ ,, Moneycrower.
V. Eustace Cusyn ,, J ,, Lathathlong.
V. John f. Gerald ,, vills of Coolisel, Derineserchath,
and Kilglassan, as his
inheritance.
In a later plea David Cadwelly calls Henry to warrant to him the
1^ vill of Skealochan, and John le Whyte is omitted.
When Henry Roche died his son and heir Henry was under age.
Consequently the suit for dower was against those who were in posses-
sion of the manor by right of wardship, namely, William de Burgo,
probably Grey Sir William, the Earl of Ulster, and Richard de Lyt,
a man of importance in Connaught Avho had been sheriff, and against
two others in possession of portions of the land.
Plea Rolls, 2 EdAv. II. m. 30 d.
Agatha, widow of Henry de Rupe, for her dower, i in the manor of
Lehinch.
V. Wm, de Burgo, keeper of the land of the heir, for J of | of 1 vill
in Bally blohagh, 1 vill and £1, 6s. 8d. rent in Kilglassan, | of
1 vill in Dericoul Oughteragh, i- of £1, 6s. 8d. rent in Coolisel.
?;. W., son of Richard Bermingham, and Elena de Rupe for h in ^ of
1 vill in Kilcommon.
r. R., Earl of Ulster, for \ in i of 1 vill and £1, 6s. 8d. rent in Skea-
loghan.
V. Wm., Archbishop of Tuam, for ^ of 24 acres in Kilcommon.
V. R., Earl of Ulster, keeper of the land of the heir, for i of Id. rent
in Synnaghcathyn, e£l, 6s. 8d. rent in Derineserchath, 3s. 4d.
rent in Ardalas, 16s. 8d. rent in Coolcon, £Z rent in Carthy.
V. R. de Lyt, keeper of the land of the heir, for J of 1 vill in Derinrus,
\h quarters of 1 vill and £2, 13s. 4d. i-ent in Moneycrower,
1 vill in Clonco, 1^ vill and <£2, 13s. 4d. rent in Skealoghan,
1 vill in Dericoul Ighteragh.
They all come and agree.
The rents amount to .£14, 13s. Hd., of which only £1, Os. Id.
was paid by members of the family. A large extent was held in
demesne — that is, was tilled by the lord, or was let to tenants at will
and on other than freehold tenure. The profits must have been large,
but owing to the nature of the suit they are not disclosed. Richard
de Burgo may be a son of the John from whom came the MacSeonins.
Coolisel comprised Lissatava. Dericoul comprised Ballymongan.
108 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Carthy is now Carras. These and the names in use show that the
manor was the parish of Kilcomnion or thereabouts.
The barons encouraged traders to form small corporate towns by
grants of two or more carucates of land on burgage tenure, whence
the Irish Burgheis, surviving as Burris, an<l recording the existence of
a small town or an attempt to form one. There is contemporary evi-
dence of such towns in other counties of Connaught, but not of their
existence in Mayo. The sixteenth-century tradition is given as follows :
" The names of certain castles and market towns which were built by
Englishmen in the county of Mayo : Shruher, Kilveen, which was
governed by a portriffe, Ballinroblie, Castlekirke, Ballymonagh, Bures-
Care, Bures-Owle, Ballalahame, Lehence, Mayo, Rosse, Castlemore
MacCostelowe, which were all good market towns, and for the most
part were ruled by portrifi'es, but now (saving the bare castles in
some) the towns are all destroyed, whose broken gates and ruinous
walls are this day to be seen."
Kilveen may be Kilmaine, but is more likely to be Kilvine, where
there is a townland of Burris. Castlekirke must be the Barrett
Castle opposite Foxford. Rosse is probably the Ross near Killala.
Ballymonagh I cannot identify. These towns no doubt made a fair
start, but died out after 1338. None attained to the importance of
Dunmore, which had a charter for murage.
CHAPTEll XII.
CHAXGES OF APPEARANCE OF COUNTRY.
Until the Anglo-Norman settlement the appearance of the country
was, except in one respect, much what it was at the dawn of the
legendary period, duns, raths, cahers, cashels, and houses being very
little altered if at all. The duns and raths of this country seem to
have had stone facings to the sides of the earthen ditches and ram-
parts, and to have had stone walls on the ramparts. The effect must
have been that of stone buildings, at a little distance not differing in
appearance from the purely stone cahers and cashels. The stone walls
seem to have been whitened as a rule.
Some of the smaller raths, farmhouse enclosures, were no doubt
defended by palisading, but so many of the important forts show
remains of such stonework when closely examined that it is safe to
take it to have been general. In countries where stone was not so
abundant palisading no doubt took its place, but I think palisading
was unusual in the greater forts of Mayo. Some had a palisading of
large flat slabs of stone.
Inside these defences were wooden dwelling-houses and offices.
The dwelling-houses of the country generally were round, but the
great houses were certainly in many cases rectangular, a.nd sometimes
two stories high. Except where there were two-storied houses, the
buildings inside would not show much more than their roofs of thatch
or shingle above the walls of defence.
The cabins of the poorer folk were generally round down to the
sixteenth century. When they were in large numbers about a dun
they must have had the effect of a village. But there were no villages
in the modern sense. The houses were in large or small groups,
dependent on fortified places, or were scattered.
The circular forts are so abundant that it is not likely that there
were many outlying houses far from the protection of a fort or home-
stead, except where people took their cattle to mountain pastures.
Woods were plentiful in most parts of the country, but the richest
lands appear to have been well cleared. What are now rough hills
and coarse land were generally covered with wood and brushwood.
The latber mixed with marsh and water in extensive tracts were called
lOiJ
110 THE KAKLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
fastnesses, where people took refuge with their cattle in war, a country
in which cattle could not easily be collected or refugees caught.
The country was mostly free from fences, but there were fenced
fields and gardens, which did not interfere with free passage. The
industry of the country was grazing, and tillage was of comparatively
small account.
Doonoor in Levallyroe townland, to the south of Ballyhaunis, an
earthen fort about ninety feet in diameter inside, has a rectangular
enclosure attached to one side, and is enclosed with about twelve acres
of land by an earthen fence and a stretch of the Curraun river. This
fence seems to be as ancient as the fort, and encloses the water-
course of an ancient mill. We may call this area a park or home
farm.
In the townland of Kilgarriff in Aghamore parish is Lisnadhine
(Lis of the Daingen), measuring about 190 feet by 120 feet inside. On
it seem to have depended Lisnacartha (Lis of the Artisans), 200 yards to
the north-west, and Lisanaffrin, 150 yards to the east-north-east, on low
ground and much smaller than Lisnacartha. We may suppose Lisna-
cartha to have been occupied by the lord's smiths and carpenters and
the like, and Lisanaffrin to have been occupied by millers and others
whose work required abundance of water, as a mill-stream runs by it
and an ancient millstone lies near it. Such a connection, though but
a guess from names and position, explains how forts are often close
together.
Doonoor and Lisnadhine are not to be treated as exceptional. We
may imagine them to have been commonly i-epeated in their main
features throughout the country, and to represent the establishments
of the chief landowners.
The lake dwelling was an important feature in the country, almost
evei"y small lake having its crannog, and as many as seven or eight
being found in a lake. Wherever a small round island with bushes is
seen in a lake it is almost certainly a crannog. Crannogs are found
also in marshes and bogs, which perhaps were once lakes, in some
cases certainly. Cahers or stone forts were built on natural islands.
In 1224 the treasures of O'Conor were kept in Loch Nen, near
Roscommon, and not in King Torlogh Mor's stone castle at Tuam,
where the kings of Connaught had their principal dwellings. Crannogs
were not abandoned until after the wars of the sixteenth century.
Giraldus Cambrensis notes that the Norwegians under Turgesius
built castles all over the country in suitable positions. " These were
surrounded with deep ditches, and very lofty ; being also round, and
most of them having three lines of defences. Walled castles, the
remains of them, and vestiges of an early age, are to be found to the
present day, still entire, but empty and deserted. For the Irish
CHANGES OF APPEARANCE OF COUNTRY. Ill
people attach no importance to castles ; they make the woods their
strongholds, and the bogs their trenches." ^
We must not infer that all the forts and cahers had been abandoned,
and that the great men lived in plain houses. He refers to the great
works regarded as fortresses, the castles then attributed to the Nor-
wegians, expressing the fact that the Irish did not hold positions
against a siege.
Works of the class which he seems to mean do not exist in Mayo,
or have not been described. Some of our larger forts may have been
deserted, but on the whole we may take it that nearly all were still
in use.
The country was fairly supplied with main roads or tracks, most
now obliterated by our roads and cultivation or covered by bog. The
names of Togher and Ballagh record old causeways and passes. The
Togherpatrick can be traced from Croaghpatrick to near Balla, only a
narrow track, but enough for footmen, riders, and pack-horses. Here
and there in rougher parts of the country other roads can be followed
up in places, but this is the best known and best preserved. Being
mainly a Pilgrim's Koad, it went from church to church, passing
through the great cashels about the churches of Loona and Drum,
halting-places of pilgrims. The country being undrained and the
larger rivers often a succession of narrow lakes, the fords were as
important as bridges now. The few bridges were but planks laid on
stone piers, some of which survive in the names embodying Clar, a
plank.
It is not unlikely that the roads were kept better in the fifth century
than in the twelfth, as it is certain that chariots were in use down to
St. Patrick's time.
The one marked change since the earliest days was due to the
growth of ecclesiastical buildings. At principal religious centres
such as Mayo, Balla, Cong, great monasteries had grown up, occupied
by a large establishment of monks, on whom depended great numbers
of students. The monastic buildings were surrounded by a cashel, a
high thick stone wall usually unmortared, enclosing a circular or oval
area. A fragment of that of Mayo remains, from which the surveyors
have laid down on the map an entire circuit.
Lesser churches had smaller cashels, but those of Ross on Lough
Mask and Moyne near Headford were upwards of one hundred yards
across. These great cashels differed only in size from secular cashels,
and perhaps in having lower walls. The enclosures sometimes followed
the irregular outline of a hill, sometimes were rectangular, as at
Loona and Drum.
The great abbeys with huts of dependents and students must have
1 Bobn's Antiq. Library, " Giialdus Canibrcnsis," p. 119.
112 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
looked like towns uiuler the shelter of a castle. When we read in the
Annals that a church was plumlered and burnt in war, we may take
it to mean that the town was burnt, unless the church itself is
mentioned.
Enclosures of small churches were sometimes but a ditch and small
bank, surmounted by a hedge or palings or a wall. As a rule every
church had an enclosure which was more than what we call a church-
yard, comprising the houses and offices of the clergy, and perhaps
small gardens. A few early churches were built inside the fort of a
chief who dedicated it to that use.
The Round Towers were the most striking objects in the country,
the other Ijuildings being small and low until the twelfth century.
The earliest known stone churches were very small, but much larger
churches were built of wood and mud in early times. The stone
church increased in size slowly until the twelfth-century changes
suddenly introduced a larger style. They were so numerous that
almost every family of high position must have had its church. How
they were absorbed in large parishes is described in Chapter X.
Christianity added its own features to the aspect of the country,
without altering other things. For the mysterious pagan remains,
such as cromlechs and stone circles and the buildings in connection
with wells, seem to have been generally left undisturbed or adopted
for Christian purposes.
Cromlechs and stone circles must have been far more abundant
than they are now. Until the house-building period and the period
of enclosure by stone walls for cultivation, which came after the
sixteenth century, there was seldom any reason for interfering
with them.
The Anglo-Norman colonists made a marked change with their
great castles, smaller castles or manor-houses, and small towns and
farmhouses, and their great monasteries and larger parish churches,
as already mentioned. As the families of the lords increased the
country became filled with their castles, whose lofty towers and walled
courts were a new and conspicuous feature in the landscape.
These colonists were above all tillers of the land, and must have
marked their presence by wide stretches of ploughed lands ; but the
change in this respect was in quantity-, as the Gael grew corn to a
small extent, being principally a pastoral people. The new tillage
was in open fields. This change came to an end when the small towns
were al)andoned in the fourteenth century and nearly all the traders
and farmers disappeared from this county. The pastoral system then
prevailed again.
CHAPTER XIII.
FROM THE COLONISATION TO THE DEATH OF EARL WALTER.
Mayo now had general peace, broken only by small raids and risings
of O'Conors who had not yet been expelled.
In 1241 Maurice FitzGei-ald brought an army to Athlethan to
subdue Tadhg O'Conor, son of Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhdei-g.
There are indications that this Tadhg had settled himself in Leyny
upon the O'Haras.
In 1242 " Niall, son of Domhnall Mvlr, son of Ruaidhri O'Coneho-
bhair, was burned, together with three O'Sechnasaighs, in a house in
Magh-E6 of the Saxons, by Loghbhais ^ of the people of MacMavirice "
(L.C.).
In 1243 Richard de Burgo died at sea on his way to Bordeaux to
join King Henry in the war against the French. His eldest son
Richard was a minor, came of age before May 1247, and died before
November 1248. He left no child. His successor was his brother
Walter, who came of age in 1250. It is remarkable that every
successor to Richard's lordship of Connaught was a minor, a mis-
fortune to the country, because the king's officers and grantees
tried only to get what they could out of the custody ; the country
needed the protection which the lord gave it in his own interests.
Meanwhile the following incidents are recoi'ded : —
In 1246 " Maelsechlainn, son of Conchobhar Ruadh, son of Muir-
chertach Muimhnech O'Oonchobhair, was killed by [Muirchertach]
O'Dubhda in this year. Muirchertach O'Dubhda was banished over
sea after this killing " (L.C.).
In 1247 " Benedictus -MacOirechtaigh, Airchinnech of Achadh-
Fabhair of Umhall, was killed on the festival of the Cross, the
third day of summer, by the son of Conchobhar Ruadh, son of
Muirchertach Muimhnech, and by the son of Maghnus, son of
Muirchertach Muimhnech O'Conchobhair, in treachery and deceit '
(L.C.).
In 1247 an O'Conor raid was accompanied as usual by a rising
of Clan Murtough. Torlogh, son of Aedh O'Conor, and Donogh
MacGillapatrick of Ossory made a raid by Kilkerrin and Clare-
1 Louis (?).
113 H
114 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
galway as fax- as Galway, when they are said to have burnt
the town and castle. They killed several persons, among them
MacElget, the seneschal of Connaught, and William de Burgo, the
sheriff of Connaught. It is not likely that they captured the castle
itself or the walled town. After plundering there they went away,
and were pursued by the English, who gave battle. They got away
after killing several of the English, and went into Carra. There Jordan
de Exeter and Clann Adam [Staunton] and the English of Carra
assembled and drove Torlogh out of the country, as he had not forces
enough to meet them. Tadhg, son of Conor Roe, son of Murtough
Mweenagh, and Tadhg, son of Tuathal, son of Murtough Mweenagh,
burnt Burgeis-chinn-trachta, Burrishoole.
Tadhg, son of Conor Roe, is said to have burnt twenty-eight
Englishmen in Inismor of Claenloch, which may have been the
lake near Castlebar, but is more likel}' to have been the lake of
that name near Dromahaire, which he is said to have captured in
this year. It is most likely that both entries relate to the same
event, the more so as he was killed by the MacCostellos in the
following year, Avho were at this time fighting for the country of
the Conmaicne of Moyrein. The annalist writes of this as a
great war, but it was only a plundering raid. Torlogh and his
army had to hurry along to avoid meeting the assembled forces
of the English ; the Irish chieftains did not join him.
The following proceedings in Umall are a continuation of the rising
of the year 1247 :—
1248. "The sons of Maghnus and the sons of Conchobhar Ruadh
joined together and turned against the Foreigners, and the castle of
MacHenry was burned by them and its constable taken prisoner ;
and the preys of the north of Umall were taken by them to Innsi-
Modh. Jordan de Exeter, however, and John Butler, and Robin
Lawless, and several persons along with them, assembled and went
to Baile-tobair-Patraic, and from thence to Achadh-Fabhair ; and
they plundered all Umhall, north and south, on the morrow. Henry ^
came also, with a large army, into Umhall (for it belonged to himself,
and he was residing in it). MacHenry then made peace with Domhnall,
son of Maghnus, for the sake of his territory ; and Domhnall promised
that he would furnish forces and boats to attack his brother. As
regards the sons of Conchobhar, moreover, they wei'e on Innsi-Modh,
and it was reported to them that a party had gone from MacHenry to
Domhnall for boats. They advanced against this party, and killed
O'hUain, the son of the foreign woman, and John, the son of the
foreign priest ; and Sinnott Guer, and four of his people along with
him, were .slain by Diarmaid, son of Maghnus, in this encounter.
^ In the Irish thus. The translation adds Mac.
FROM COLONISATION TO DEATH OF EARL WALTER. 115
However, this was joy with soirow, for the powei^fvil champion and
prop of battle, i.e. Diarmaid, son of Maghnus, was slain on the spot.
Tadhg, son of Oonehobhar Ruadh, was killed by the Foreigners in this
year." (L.C) The Annals of Clonmacnoise name Mahon, son of
Dermot, son of INIanus, son of ]\Iurtough, as the man who captured
the castle which is called Tyrenmore. It is the castle of Burrishoole,
which was on the point next north of the abbey. But it is just possible
that there were two castles in Umall, that of Bui-rishoole and another
belonging to ^NlacHenry. MacHenry's castle being taken, a force was
assembled in Carra, and Henry Butler brought up a second army,
whereupon MacHenry made the peace with Donnell O'Conor. It
seems as if INIacHenry made a separate peace. But it is more likely
that MacHenry detached Donnell from his confederates, who were
afterwards defeated and compelled to submit. Henry Butler was the
immediate lord of at least North Umall. John Butler seems to be a
different person from JMacHenry. I think that Henry and MacHenry
are the same person, Henry being a son of a Henry Butler, and that
John was a younger brother of Henry.
In the following year, 1249, King Felim's son Aedh attacked the
English in Tireragh and brought his father into rebellion. The fight-
ing and plundering did not spread into Mayo. But Jordan de Exeter,
of the Gallen family, who was then the sheriff, was attacked at
Athenry, Avhere he was in command of some forces, and inflicted a
severe defeat on Torlogh, son of Aedh O'Conor, who, having been
set up by the English as King of Connaught, turned upon them
immediately.
In 1251 Flann O'Lachtnan, chief of the Two Bacs, died. He was
the last of his race who could be called a chieftain.
In 1256 Felim and Aedh and O'Rourk were again in rebellion.
Walter de Burgo assembled a great force, put at 20,000 at the least
by the annalists, which marched by Mayo and Balla to Achonry. It
was arranged that it should meet the O'Reillys in Tirtuathail, but
the O'Reillys suffered a crushing defeat as they retreated from near
Lough Allen on the 14th September. The de Burgo army returned
when the campaign thus failed, but probably not until the justiciary
had come down, as O'Roui'k made a separate peace with him, where-
upon Aedh and Felim submitted.
In 1258 " A great fleet came from Innsi-Gall with Mac Somhairle ; ^
and they passed round Erinn westwards to Conmaicne-Mara, where
they robbed a merchant-vessel of all its goods, both wine and clothing,
and copper and iron. The sheriff of Connaught, i.e. Joi-dan de Exeter
went on the sea, with a large fleet of Foreigners, after Mac Somhairle
and the fleet that had robbed the merchant-vessel. Mac Somhairle
^ Somhairle was ancestor of the family of MacDonnell.
IIG THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
was at this time on an island of the sea, having his vessel ashore ; ^ and
when they saw the sheriff's fleet approaching them, Mac Somhairle put
on his armour and his dress of battle and combat ; and his people then
put on their aimour along with him. As regards the sheriff, more-
over, when he I'eached the island, he landed promptly, accompanied by
all the Foreigners who wei-e ready. However, the sheriff was attended
and served by Mac Somhairle and his people ; and the sheriff was im-
mediately killed there, together with Piers Agabard, who was a brave
knight of hi.s people, and other good men along with them. The fleet
of the Foreigners subsequently turned back, after their best men had
been slain ; and ^Mac Somhairle went afterwards exultingly, enriched
with spoils, with triumph of victory, to his' own country." (L.C.)
In 1259 " Milidh Mac Goisdelbh mortuur est. CUlbertMac Goisdelbh
was taken prisoner by Aedh O'Conchobhair, who plundered all Sliabh
Lugha. He (Gilhe)-t Mac Goisdelbh) was afterwards set at large, and
his three sons Avere taken as hostages in his place." (L.C.)
In 1262 Aedh O'Conor broke out again. He "plundered the
Foreigners of all the west of Connacht eastwards from Magh-E(>
of the Saxons, and from Balla, and burnt their towns and cornfields
from thence to Sliabh Lugha, and slew many persons between those
places" (L.C). He sent another party to rob and burn between
Tuam and Athlone. Walter de Burgo and the justiciary brought
armies to Elphin and Roscommon and restored order. The site of
Roscommon Castle was chosen, but work was not begun until 1269.
Under 1263 the Four Masters recoi^d an invasion by O'Donnell
whicli they associate with a plundering of Sliabh Lugha. He is
said to have joined Aedh in ravaging Clanricard, and to have sepa-
rated from him and to have gone home by Shrule and Ballinrobe
and Tirawley, obtaining his demands from all. The accurate Annals
of Loch Ce would not have ignored such a remarkable event. An
account of a sixteenth-century raid seems to have been copied acci-
dentally or by mistake in that year. In 1263 " Meachair O'Ruadhain
was killed by Foreigners, in treachery, in the door of the church of
Cill-Seiscnen " - (L.C).
In 1264 a quarrel occurred between Walter de Burgo and Maurice
FitzMaurice, which is said to have arisen from a dispute about lands
in Connaught. Maurice captured Richard de la Rochelle, the
justiciary, Theobald Butler, John Cogan, and Walter de Burgo's
eldest son, Richard, in a church at Castledexmot, and confined them
in the castles of Ley and Dunamase. Walter naturally seized all
Maurice's Connaught lands. The quarrel was made up before June
1265. Though actual fighting between Burk.s and Geraldines is not
1 Close by at anchor (A.Cl., F.M.). ' Kilsheshnan in Killasser parish.
FROM COLONLSATION TO DEATH OF EARL WALTER. 117
recorded, it is evident that the (i[uarrel gave the Irish chieftains an
opportunity of attacking English settlers.
In 126-i the annalists call Walter by the title of Earl of Ulster
for the first time. The grant of the earldom may therefore be
assigned to this year.
In 1265 Aedh O'Conor and O'Donnell destroyed the castles of
Sligo, Banada, and Rathardcraibe,^ all FitzGerald castles. " A con-
ference was held by Tomaltach O'Conchobhair, Archbishop of
Connacht, with David Prendergast and the MacMurchadhas ; and
a great number of the archbishop's people were slain by them on that
day at Cill-medhoin. . . . Murchadh MacSuibhne was apprehended
by Domhnall, son of Maghnus, and surrendered into the hands of the
Earl; and he died in the prison." (L.C.) MacMurchadhas is pro-
bably a mistake for MacMaurices, the Irish name of the Prendergasts
of Mayo. Donnell of Erris was now loyal to the Earl. INIacSuibhne
v/as an Ulsterman. Felim O'Conor died in 1265, and was succeeded
by his son Aedh, who prosecuted the war against the English with
great energy. In 1266 the Irish attacked the English all round.
The facts relating to Mayo are stated in a vague way.
" A great slaughter was committed by a party of O'Conchobhair's
people, viz. by Lochlainn, son of Diarmaid, son of Muirchertach,
and by MacCeithernaigh and the son of Domhnall Dubh O'hEghra,
on the Britons and Lagenians of the west of Connacht, thirty-one of
whose heads were presented to O'Conchobhair by them." " Domhnall
O'hEghra, King of Luighne, occisus est whilst burning Ard-na-riadh
against the Foreigners." (L.C.) The Britons are the Barretts and
other Welshmen, the Lagenians are the Cusacks, Lawlesses, and other
English settlers of Tirawley and Tireragh. This was avenged in the
following yeai-.
In 1267 "A great depredation was committed by the Foreigners
of the west of Connacht on the inliahitants of Cairpre-Droma-cliabh ;
and they plundered Es-dara. Another great depredation was com-
mitted by Mac William Burk on O'Conchobhair, when he plundered
Tir-Maine and Clann-Uadach." (L.C.)
1268. " Hugh O'Murray, chief of the Lagan, was slain at Killala by
O'Mulfovei", Coarb of the church, on a Sunday after hearing mass "(F.M.).
1269. "Flaherty O'Maelfhina, chief of half the territory of Calry
of Moy-h-eleog, was slain by Gaughan, chief of the other half "
(F.M.). The castle of Roscommon was built, and that of Sligo was
rebuilt. The fighting was outside Mayo.
During the next two years the Irish gained some successes. 1270.
" Sligo was burned by O'Domhnaill and the Cenel-Conaill, and the
son of Breallach-an-chairn O'lNIaelbhrenainn was killed on this ex-
1 Ardcree fort, in Annaglnuore demesne, Kilvarnet parish, Co. Sligo.
118 TH?] EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
pedition. A great war iiml dissension arose between O'Concliobliair,
i.e. Aedh, son of Fedhlim, and Walter Burk, i.e. the Earl of Ulster;
and neither the Foreigners nor the (iaeidhel could reconcile them.
The Earl assembled the Foreigners of Erinn, together with the
Justiciary, when they all went on a great hosting into Connacht,
and proceeded to Ros-Comain the first night, and from thence to
Oilfinn the second night, and from thence to Port-leice ; ^ and
they rested and encamped that night at Port-leice. And on the
morrow they held a council, and the resolution they adopted was,
viz., that the Earl and the chiefs of the Foreigners of Erinn
should then go eastwards across the Sionainn at Ath-caradh-Conaill.-
As regards the King of Connacht, however, i.e. Aedh, son of Fedhlim
O'Conchobhair, he was in Magh Nisse before the Foreigners, with a
few of the chiefs of his people ; and the Justiciai*y, accompanied by a
small number of the army, remained on the western side of the
Sionainn, awaiting the Earl and his people. With regard to the
Earl, after he had gone eastwards past Ath-caradh-Conaill a few of
O'Conchobhair's people opposed them at Coillte-Conmaicne, where a
small number of the army of the Foreigners were slain. Neverthe-
less, the Foreigners desisted not in the career and expedition in
which they were engaged until they reached Magh Nissi, where they
rested and encamped that night. As to the Foreigners, moreover,
the advice they gave to the Earl was, to make peace with O'Concho-
bhair on this occasion, and to deliver his brother, i.e. William Og, son
of Richard M(Jr, son of William the Conqueror, into the hands of
O'Conchobhair's people whilst he {W Conclwhhai r) should be in the
Earl's house arranging the 'peace. And this was accordingly done.
And after William Og had gone into O'Conchobhair's house, O'Con-
chobhair's people took him prisoner ; and John Duilefin ^ and his son
were slain on the spot. When the Earl, moreover, heard that treachery
had been practised against his brother, he proceeded early on the
morrow to Ath-an-chip * on the Sionainn. And O'Conchobhair was
(luring these two nights inarching round them, as a furious, raging,
tearing lion goes about his enemies when killing them, so that he
permitted them neither to eat, sleep, nor be at rest. O'Conchobhair
moved on the same day. As regards the Foreigners, moreover, after
going to the ford on the morrow, Toirdhelbhach O'Biiain overtook
them, and the Earl himself turned on him, and slew him without
assistance from any other person. With regard to the Connachtmen,
however, they came up with them {tlte Foreigners) at this time, when
their rear was dislodged, and their van was routed. In short, their
courage was confounded in this place, and nine of their principal
^ Near Jamestown. " Near Carrick on Shannon, according to O'Donovan.
=' Dolphin. ■* Neai- Carrick.
FROM COLONISATION TO DEATH OF EARL WALTER. 119
knights wei^e slain on the spot, including Richard-na-Coille and John
Butler ; and it is not known how many more were lost there ; and
one hundred horses, with their mail coverings, and with their saddles,
were left there ; and William Og was killed in his captivity imme-
diately after the son of O'Briain had been slain by the Earl. As
regards Aedh O'Conchobhair's subsequent proceedings, he demolished
the castle of Ath-Anghaile, and the castle of Sliabh-Lugha, and the
castle of Cill-Calmain, and burned Ros-Comain, and Rinn-duin, and
Uille-XJanach. And a great war arose between Brian Ruadh O'Briain
and the Foreigners, and great depredations were committed by him
on them, and the castle of Clar-Atha-dha-charadh ^ was taken by him.
Depredations were committed by the Eail, and by the Foreigners of
Connacht, in Tir-Oilella, on the people of Aedh O'Conchobhair ; and
David Cuisin was slain on this foray." (L.C.)
The Irish success was obtained by an attack on the rear at the
foi-d of the Shannon, as is clearly shown in the Annals of Clonmacnoise.
When Torlogh O'Brien was killed at the ford, " The Conaughtmen
pursued the Englishmen and made theere hindermost pai-t to rune
and breake upon their vaunt-guard or foremost, in such sort and foule
discomfiture that in that Instant 9 of their chiefest were killed upon
the bogg about Rickard ne Koylle and John Buttler, who were killed
over and above the said Knights. It is unknowne how many were
slaine in that Conflict, save onely that a 100 Horses with their sadles
and other furnitures with a 100 shirts of maile were left after these
things were thus done." The date of this fight was the 19th April.
William Og is the ancestor of the MacWilliams of Mayo and Galway.
The facts seem to be that as soon as the Earl knew, by the treach-
erous seizure of his brother and the killing of the Dolphins, that Aedh
had no intention of making peace, he rejoined Sir Robert Uffoi'd,
losing a few men and abandoning a large number of horses, in effect-
ing the passage of the Shannon. The English we may suppose drove
off all the cattle they could find in North Roscommon, and then, as
usual, retired and dispersed their armies. Aedh then destroyed three
border castles in Corran and Costello, and burnt the houses outside
the king's castles in Sovithern Roscommon. But he could not venture
far from the border. Walter de Bvirgo came again and chastised
him by plundering Tirerrill.
Walter de Burgo died at Galway on the 28th July 1271. He
married Evelina, daughter of John, son of John FitzGeoflFrey, the
Justiciary of Ireland. His eldest son, Richard, succeeded him. His
other sons had no connection with Mayo.
As Richard was a minor the Lordship of Connaught and the
Earldom of Ulster fell into the king's hand.
^ Clare, in Co. Clare.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE TIME OF EARL RICHARD.
The time of Walter de Burgo was peaceful in Mayo, save for border
raids of no importance. The English settlement was far too strong
for serious invasion of the more settled parts. The great FitzGerald
manor of Sligo was not well occupied, nor was the eastern part of
Tireragh, nor the Tyaquin country, nor the king's two southern
cantreds, which were held by his castles. The fighting, when not
entirely among the Irish themselves, was practically confined to these
districts, in his time and in that of his son Richard, save for the short
period of Brace's war. For many years vmtil the murder of Earl
William, Mayo and most of Galway may be said to have enjoyed
complete peace.
Richard and his cousin Sir William, who seems to have had con-
trol of Connaught affairs on his behalf, interfered in the O'Conor
successions with decisive effect for the moment ; but the family fight-
ing and murdering broke out when the heavy de Burgo hand was not
immediately felt.
The effect of these outbreaks on the border districts is shown in a
remark in the inquisition taken in 1282 regarding the estates of
Thomas FitzMaurice of Desmond, to the effect that his half Tuath
of Kerry Lochnarney had been worth in time of peace 120 marks
yearly, but then only 60 marks, because " the greater part is destroyed
by the war of the Irish."
The position of O'Conor as a tenant of the king kept up his power
of mischief and that of his family. Had de Burgo and FitzGerald
been free to deal with him he would have been curbed by castles and
garrisons, and Connaught would have been saved the misery of in-
cessant savage warfare which almost never ceased among the Irish
inhabitants of the unsettled districts, which would have ceased if the
O'Conors had been kept quiet.
The death of Walter resulted in the turbulence which usually
followed on any temporary dissolution of authoiity, to which may be
attributed the events leading to the expulsion of the Clann Murtough
from Mayo, and of the O'Flahertys from the barony of Clare.
In 1272 "Henry Butler, lord of Umhall, and Hoitse Mebhrick
, THE TIME OF EARL RICHARD. 121
were slain by Cathal, son of Conchobhair Ruadh, and by the sons of
kings of Connacht" (L.O.). The tradition of Hosty Merrick sur-
vives in Glenhest, to which he left his name. He is said to have
been buried at the church in Ballyteige townland, near Lough Beltra.
The tradition is that he was a great pii-ate, who married an O'Malley,
and was waylaid going to his own house and killed by his brother-in-
law. Merricks owned land in Ballyteige in the sixteenth century.
In 1273 Jordan de Exeter killed some O'Oonors and their adherents
in Corann ; Donnell of Erris, head of the Clan Murtough, was expelled
from Umall and Erris ; Ruaidhri O'Flaherty was expelled from West
Oonnaught, which then meant the barony of Clare.
" Flann O'Tierney, Lord of Carra, was slain by the O'Murrays in a
dispute concerning the lordship of Carra, and through the power of
Hugh, son of Felim O'Conor" (P.M.).
1274. "Fergal O'Caithniadh, Lord of Erris, died in Hy Mac
Caechain" (F.M.).
English settlers fought against each other in Tirawley, at Kilroe
near Killala, in 1281. The Justiciary Rolls and the Annals of Loch
Oe mention the battle, but not its immediate cause, which may have
grown out of the claims of Adam Cusack and William Barrett of
Bac and Glen to the land of Bredagh, under early de Burgo grants
which gave rise to litigation in 1253.
Adam and William met at the head of their forces for a par-ley,
during which a man shot an arrow at the other side, whereupon both
parties fell on each other. William Barrett was taken prisoner,
mortally wounded, and died in Cusack's prison. Adam Fleming, a
partisan of Barrett, and several other Englishmen were killed.
Taichleeh O'Dowda and Taichlech O'Boyle fought with distinction
on Cusack's side. The alliance was not permanent. Cusack killed
T. O'Dowda at the Strand of Ballysadare next year.
The king took into his own hands the lands of W. Barrett and
A. Fleming. Batin Barrett paid the king fines amounting to
£163, 8s. 8d., Gilbert Lynet paid =£33, 6s. 8d., and Adam Bretnath
.£3, 6s. 8d., whence we may infer that the Barrett faction was in the
wrong.
In 1283 "The castle of Kilcolman [Costello] was thrown down by
Cathal, son of Conor Roe, King of Connaught " (F.M.).
In 1285 "A great defeat was inflicted by Maghnus O'Conchobhair
on Adam Cusack and the Foreigners of the west of Connacht, at Lec-
Essa-dara, where a great many persons were slain, and where Colin
Cusack, i.e. his (Adam's) brother, was taken into captivity after his
people had been slain, in consideration of being allowed himself to
depart" (L.C.).
Richard de Burgo is not mentioned in connection with the O'Conors
122 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
and their quarrels until 128G, but thereafter regulated the succession.
Hence seems to have arisen the quarrel with John FitzThomas Fitz-
Gerald, afterwards Earl of Kildare, which had great consequences.
Sir Maurice FitzMaurice's estates were divided between his
daughters Amabill and Juliana. When John FitzThomas became
Baron of Oflfaley he acquired from Amabill her half-share. Thus
his Connaught possessions were half of Carberry, including Sligo, a
third of Corran, half of Conmaicne Cuile, half of Aidhne. From his
father he inherited the Banada part of Leyny.
He began immediately to interfere in the O'Conor succession in
Moy Ai, and so came into collision with the Earl. These confused
proceedings appear in the Annals of Loch Ce, 1288-1293.
On the 6th ])ecember 1294 John seized the Earl and Sir William
de Burgo and confined them in the castle of Ley, near Portarlington,
until the 12th March 1295, when they were released by order of a
Parliament, supported by an army under the Chancellor Thomas
Cantok and others of the King's Council. The Earl agreed to a
truce for two years, and gave two sons as hostages. Years passed
before aji agreement and settlement was made.
In March 1298 Sir John surrendered to the Earl at Athboy, to be
imprisoned in Ulster at the Earl's pleasure, and delivered to the
Earl for a time the castle of Ley. As soon as released he was to do
homage to the Earl and bind himself and his heirs to serve the Earl
and his heirs for ever, saving their fealty to the King of England.
The Earl might marry one of his daughters to Sir John's son, or
return him to Sir John unmarried before the new year, as might
please him.
Sir John was to surrender to the Earl all his lands in Connaught,
Ulster, and the county of Louth after valuation. Lands worth ^120
a year were to be taken by the Earl as amends, and for the rest
the Earl was to give Sir John lands of equal value in Leinster and
Munster.
It does not appear where or how long John was imprisoned. As
he did not appoint valuers to carry out the agreement for surrender
and exchange of lands, the case was brought before the Jvisticiar's
Court in March 1299, when John admitted his default.
It was agreed that his manors of Lough Mask, Dunmouhgherne
(about Kilmainebeg), Kilcolgan, Sligo, Banada, and Fermanagh should
be taken as the £120 a year assigned for amends, and the court
appointed two ofiicers on behalf of each side to supervise the valuation
and hand over the other lands, with power to appoint valuers if either
side failed to appoint. Thus the work was done.
Still Sir John made default. In 1301 he complained to the king
that the valuers unfairly gave the Earl all John's lands and gave him
THE TIME OF EARL RICHARD. 123
none. The king called for the record, but no further proceedings
appear. Sir John certainly lost all his lands in those countries, and
the Earl appears to have given up all his in Mnnster except Terry-
glass and Lorrha, the only possessions of Earl William in that province
in 1333. The families seem to have been reconciled at last by the
marriage of the Earl's daughter Joan to John's son Thomas in 1312.
The Earl's power was thus very much enhanced in Connaught,
Ulster, and Louth by the removal of the FitzGerald inflvience, which,
associated with that of the de Clares, had been very great, and by the
acquisition of the valuable Connaught estates and Fermanagh. The
acquisition of manors in Munster did not enhance Geraldine power in
an equal degree.
In 1300 the Prendergasts and O'Flynns quarrelled. Conor O'Flynn
slew John Prendergast.
The Earl and Sir William de Burgo joined the king in the Scottish
war in 1303. For his good service in Scotland the king gave Sir
William the custody of the Kerylochnarney lands of Thomas Fitz-
Maurice of Desmond's heir until he should come of age, valued at 50
marks yearly.
In 1307 Sir William was Keeper of Ireland for half a year, during
vacancy of the office of Justiciary.
In 1309 and 1310 he had to intei^fere in the O'Conor quarrels, and
was for a long time in Moy Ai, originally called in by MacDermot to
support the claim of Felim O'Conor to the succession. Though his
irresistible force drove the rival away, he showed no anxiety to
inaugurate Felim. MacDermot therefore did it himself. Sir William
is said to have levied very heavy contributions ; he had to raise the
cost of the army himself. The Annals tell us many bare facts, but it
is evident that there were many complications which they did not
understand, or ignored.
Sir William played a considerable part in the wars of Thomond.
When Richard de Burgo came of age he joined in supporting the
claim of Brian Ruadh's son against Torlogh O'Brien. Brian Ruadh's
daughter Finola was Sir William's wife. Later on Richard took up
the cause of Torlogh, and Sir William appears in command of the
de Burgo forces from Connaught. The quarrel now was in reality
between de Burgos and de Clares, who desired to control the appoint-
ment of the King of Thomond. Thomas de Clare's marriage to
Juliana secured him the Geraldine interest, and afterwards half of
the estates of Maurice FitzMaurice. The de Clare power for the
time was shattered when Thomas was killed in 1287 and the minority
of his son threw all his estates into the king's hand. At the same
time it was a check to Geraldine power, and may have led to John
FitzThomas's attempt to contiol the appointment of kings of Con-
124 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
naught, which resulted in disaster to him. After Torlogh's death
Richard de CUxre took up the cause of the descendants of Brian
Ruadh. Hence Sir William came into Thomond in 1.310 and 1311 to
support Torlogh's son Donough. In 1311 he defeated Richard de
Clare with great loss near Bunratty, but was taken prisoner himself
in the pursuit. On the other side two bi'others of Dermot, who was
supported by the de Clare party, were taken prisoner. Other con-
tests ensued in which Sir William's Connaught forces took part, until
the cause of the descendants of Brian Ruadh was lost in the battle of
Dysert O'Dea in 1318, when Richard de Clare and his son Thomas
were killed. Richard's heirs were his two sisters, who were married
to two Englishmen. Thus the de Burgo power was assured in
Tliomond as in Moy Ai.
In 1315 Edward Bruce landed in Ulster, and was joined by many
Irish chiefs, who accepted him as King of Erin. The Earl of Ulster
collected a large Connaught force at Roscommon, including Felim
O'Couor, the young King of Connaught, and marched by Athlone to
meet Edward Bruce. While Edward and the Earl were watching
each other across the Bann, Edward opened negotiations with Felim,
and oflFered to give him " undivided power over Connacht, if he would
steal away from the Earl to defend his own province. Fedhlim
listened patiently to these words, and agreed with Edward on that
occasion." (L.C.) But Ruaidhri, son of Cathal Ruadh, having come
to Edward through Tirconnell, agreed with him to make war on the
English but not on Felim. " This was not what Ruaidhri did,
however ; but he assembled the men of Connacht and Brefne, and
numerous Gallowglasses along with them, and proceeded right into the
middle of Sil-Muiredhaigh, and of Connacht likewise, and immediately
burned the street-town of Sligech, and Ath-cliath-in-Chorainn, and the
great castle of Cill-Colmain, and Baile-tobair-Brighde, and Dun-
lomdhain with its castles, and Ros-Comain, and Rinn-duin, and the
town of Ath-Luain, together with all the houses that were in every
route through which he passed." (L.C.) Of the Silmurray only
MacDermot, Felim's foster-father, held out against him. He got
himself inaugurated on Carnfree and awaited Felim, plundering those
who did not submit. Felim had really refused Edward's offer. He
did not leave the Earl until he heard of Ruaidhri's proceedings, and
then wanted the Earl to return with him. On his way to Connaught
he was so harassed by the Irish of the countries he passed through
that he had to let his chiefs go home and submit to Ruaidhri until
better times should come for him and MacDermot.
In the meantime Edward Bruce had defeated the Earl in the battle
of Connor, taking Sir William de Burgo prisoner. The Earl retired
to Connaught, where Felim and other chiefs dispossessed by Ruaidhri
THE TIME OF EARL RICHARD. 125
met him. MacDermot made terms with lluaidhri. Felim attacked
O'Dowda and Dermot Gall MacDermot and other adherents of
Ruaidhri. After a time MacDermot joined him again. In the
course of this war Tir Enna and Tir Neachtain and Mviinter Crechain
and Moenmoy and Aughrim were plundered, as well as most of the
county of Sligo. O'Donnell came as far as Castleconnell. The Earl
himself was engaged in resistance to Edward Bruce, but Bermingham
and other lords collected a force which defeated and killed Ruaidhri
near Tochar mona Coinnedha, and restored Felim as king.
Thus by English power Felim was again king of the Irish of
Connaught. As often happened before, he turned upon those who
had made him king, with the usual results.
The Earl ransomed William de Burgo in the summer of 1316.
Felim's proceedings at this time are thus described : " And he after-
wards went to expel the Foreigners of the west of Connacht ; and
Baile-Atha-lethain was burned by him, and Stephen de Exeter, and
Miles Cogan, and William Prendei-gjist, and John Staunton were
slain there (viz. these were noble knights) ; and William Laighleis
was slain there, and a countless multitude along with them.^ And
the entire country was plundered and burned by him, from the castle
of the Corran to Rodhba, both church and territory ; and he returned
home afterwards with gladness, and with great spoils. And they went
forthwith to Milic-na-Sinda and demolished the castle of Milic ; and
Muirchertach O'Briain, king of Tuadh-Mumha, went into his house
there, the descendants of Brian Ruadh being opposed to each othei'.
And he turned back to Ros-Comain to demolish it. And when Felim
heard that William Burk had arrived in Connacht from Alba, he
commanded a muster of his people to one place, to expel him. And
this was the muster that came there, viz. all from Es-Ruaidh to
Echtghe. And Donnchadh O'Briain, king of Tviadh-Mumha, came in
his following and muster; and O'Maelechlainn, king of Midhe; and
O'Ruairc, king of Breifne ; and O'Fei'ghail, king of Conmaicne ; and
Tadhg O'Cellaigh, king of Ui-Maine ; and many more of the sons of
kings and chieftains of Erinn, came in his muster. And they all
went to Ath-na-righ, against William Burk, MacFeorais, and the
other Foreigners of Connacht, and a battle was fought between them
at the door of the town, and the Gaeidhel were defeated there, and
Feidhlimidh O'Conchobhair, king of Connacht, and undisputed heir
presumptive to the sovereignty of Erinn, was slain there, and Tadhg
O'Cellaigh, king of Ui-Maine, and twenty persons entitled to the
sovereignty of Ui-Maine, fell there along with him ; and Maghnus,
son of Domhnall O'Conchobhair, tanist of Connacht ; and Art
O'hEghra, king of Luighne ; and Maelechlainn Carrach O'Dubhda ;
^ Grace adds, " some of the Barries."
12G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
and Muiichertncli, son of Conchobhar O'Dubhda; and Diarmaid
MacDiarmada, who was fit to be king of Magh-Luirg ; and Muircher-
tach, son of ])iarmaid, son of Fergbal ; and Maelecblainn Og Mac-
Magbnusix ; and John, son of Murcbadh O'Madadbain ; and Domhnall,
son of Aedh O'Concennainn, king of Ui-Diarmada ; and bis brotber
Muircbertacb along witb him ; and JNIurcbadh O'Madadbain ; and
Dombnall O'Baigbill ; and Donncbadb O'Maelmuaidb, togetber witb
his people ; and the son of Murcbadh MacMathgbamhna, and one
hundred of bis people along with him; and Niall Siunach, king of
Feara-Tethbha, witb his people ; and Fergbal, son of John Clallda
O'Fergbail ; and William, son of Aedh Og O'Ferghail ; and Thomas,
son of Amblaibb O'Ferghail ; and five of the Clann-Donnchaidb were
also slain there, viz. Tomaltach, son of Gilla-Christ MacDonnchaidh,
and Murcbadh MacDonnchaidh, and Conchobhar, son of Tadbg,
and Muircbertacb and Maelecblainn MacDonnchaidh. And John
MacAedbagain, O'Conchobhaiv's brehon, and Gilla-na-naemh, son of
Dalredochair O'Dobbailen, the standard bearer, and Thomas O'Con-
allan, were slain there around their lord. And not alone this ; but
it is not easy to tell all that were then slain of Momonians and
Meathians, and of the men of Erinn likewise, ut dixit the poet : —
" ' Many of the men of Erin all, around the great plain —
Many sons of kings, whom I name not, were slain in the great defeat :
Sorrowful to my heart is the conflict of the host of Midhe and Mumha.'
On the day of St. Lawrence the Martyr ^ these deeds were com-
mitted ; and Fedblimidh was twenty -three yetirs old when slain ;
and be bad been five years in the sovereignty of Connacht when
Rviaidbri, son of Cathal Rviadb, assumed it in opposition to him
during the space of half a year ; and he was another half-year after
Ruaidbri in the sovereignty until be was slain in this battle of Ath-
na-righ. Rviaidhri-na-fedb, son of Donncbadb, son of Eoghan, son
of Ruaidbri O'Conchbhair, was afterwards made king. A prodigious
hosting by William Burk afterwards into Sil-Muiredhaigh, and O'Con-
chobbair and all Sil-Muiredhaigh made peace with him, except Mac
Diarmada alone. He afterwards went into Magh-Lviirg, and brought
great preys witb him from Ath-an-chip and from Uachtar-tire ; and
the entire country was burned and destroyed by them ; and they went
away without battle or conditions. Ruaidbri, son of Donncbadb, was
subsequently deposed from the sovereignty by MacDiarmada, after
having been a quarter and a half in it." (L.C).
Clyn notes that according to common rumour the whole number
of slain was v . . . thousands, and that the number of beads cut off
was 150U. The MS. erases the number of thousands except the v.
1 10th August.
THE TIME OF EARL RICHARD. 127
The number slain was no doubt very great. It is said that the
English ai'chers shot down all before them, and this is probably the
truth, as the loss seems to have been trifling on the English side,
which would not have been the case if the Irish had been able to
come to close quarters with the English.
It was the last effort of the Irish to drive the English out of Con-
naught, and the only case in which there was anything like a general
alliance of Irish kings and chiefs against the English. It was the
best opportunity they ever had. The Earl's Connaught forces had
already suffered a serious defeat at Connor. Edward Bruce was
defeating the English of the other provinces, and kept them em-
ployed. Yet so great was the effective force of the western colonists
(for it seems to have been a purely Connaught force), and so superior
their discipline and armament, that the Irish were ground to powder
and could make no more effective resistance.
Richard Bermingham held the chief command, and was made
Baron of Athenry for this victory, which relieved the English of
anxiety on the Connaught side.
The lists of those who assembled and those who were slain are
instructive. The names of O'Malley, O'Flaherty, O'Heyne, and
O'Shaughnessy do not appear. Families of such high reputation among
the Irish should have been mentioned if they had been present or if
some of them had been slain. The inference is that if they were
present they were in the English army. These families had been
generally on the side of the de Burgos and in opposition to the
O'Conors during the period of conquest. They had lived for many
years in peace under the shelter of the de Burgo power, some sepa-
rated by a wide extent of territory occupied by English settlers from
those districts in which the Irish dwelt in then- customary condition
of strife and robbery. It was not their interest to revive those condi-
tions. Though the O'Maddens and some of the O'Kellys lived in the
de Burgo lordship, yet they were in immediate contact with, and
may be said to have formed part of, the purely Irish districts, in
which there were only garrisons and small towns. The battle seems
to have been between the English and those Irish who lived under
shelter of English law on one side, and the Irish who lived under
their own ancient customs on the other.
MacDermot's refusal to make peace accounts for the entries in the
A.L.C., 1317, that Meiler de Exeter, Lord of Athlethan, was slain near
Drumcliff by O'Conors of Clan Murtough, and that Gilbert Mac-
Costello killed a MacDermot, an O'Conor, and Manus O'Flanagan,
with many others.
Save on Roscommon border. Mayo now had peace until the quarrels
of the sons of Sir William broke out.
128 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Sir William de lUirgo, called by the Irish William Liath (Grey
William), died on the 11th February 1323-4, and was buried in the
church of the Dominican Friary of Athenry.
He played a great part in Ireland, and did good service in the wars
in Scotland. He was the chief lord in Connaught, apparently wield-
ing the Earl's power there, as the Earl was much occupied elsewhere.
I cannot make out his exact position, but suppose him to have had
very large estates, held directly from the chief lord, and as tenant of
absentee barons who would find him a very satisfactory tenant, well
able to hold his own. Whatever the exact relations were, he had
land enough to enable him to take a very high position among the
great barons, which he could not have attained only as his cousin's
agent, and to leave his sons in such a position that they were able to
establish a supremacy over the other settlers and to divide the settle-
ment into two great lordships. His eldest son, Walter, took his
place as one of the great lords of Ireland.
The great Earl Richard, the Red Earl, did not long survive. He
attended the Pailiament held at Kilkenny at Whitsuntide in 1326,
" where he was somewhat crazed, and also came there all the nobility
of the realm, to whom the said Earl made a great feast, and shortly
after took his leave of them, and went to Athassell, where he departed
this transitory life a little before midsummer, and there was buried "
(Book of Howth).
Clyn calls him " a prudent knight, witty, rich, and wise." Cer-
tainly he was a man having abilities suited to his great position, not
only greater than that of any other lord of Ireland, but greater than
that of the king's justiciary. In a few years after he came of age he
established his power over his Irish subjects and neighbours and
secured peace generally for all his English subjects. His power
strengthened the English law among the colonists of his lands,
because, as the law was administered locally in almost all matters,
his courts were effective. In his dominions he exercised the effective
authority which the king should have exercised but did not exercise
over all Ireland. The weakness of the country was due to the king's
neglect, whereby he at last brought the colony to ruin. For it was
now adopting Irish fashions rapidly. This would have been no harm
if the king's authority had been upheld, and order, law, and justice
made effective among the English colonists. That it was gener-
ally effective up to this period is evident from the calendars of
State Papers, but unfortunately it was not made universally effec-
tive. Such offences of great men as John FitzThomas's arrest
of the Earl Richard, Thomas de Clare's wars, the raids of the
O'Conors and their murders were not punished by the king. Yet
it is evident that the king could have got from the barons of Ireland
THE TIME OF EARL RICHARD. 129
generally the support necessary to enable him to strike such offenders
hard.
Under Edward II. the royal power grew weaker and weaker,
owing to mere neglect, and was abandoned at last by his successor
wherever it was resisted. At no time since the Conquest had the
Irish been so thoroughly beaten down as at the death of Earl Richard.
Strong royal power only was needed to keep the country together,
and to carry on the progress which had been made towards civilisa-
tion of the Irish. For some certainly were adopting the civil life in
the lands and towns of the settlers. By degrees those left outside
such influences would have come under them when tribal wars were
stopped.
CHAPTER XV.
FROM THE DEATH OF EARL RICHARD TO THE FALL OF
THE king's government IN CONNAUGHT.
Richard's heir was his grandson William, born on the Svinday after
the 14th September 1312, son of Sir John, who died at Galway on the
18th June 1313.
Richard's son Edmond and Sir William's son Walter were appointed
Justices of the Peace or Governors in the counties of Connaught,
Limerick, and Tipperary, to protect the estates of the Earl of Ulster
in those counties, now in the king's hand by the minority of the heir.
Edmond appears to have had large estates in Limerick and Tipperary,
as his descendants were settled there,
William, called by the Irish the Brown Earl, was knighted at
Pentecost in 1328 and put in possession of his estates. He came
over to Ireland and to Connaught in September.
Walter de Burgo, now a knight, took the place of his father in
Connaught as the leading baron, apparently in control of the Earl's
power, but certainly wielding great power. In this year, 1328,
Walter and Gilbert MacCostello held a conference with MacDermot
and all his clan at Ath-cind-Locha-Techet, where high words passed
and blows were exchanged, and Walter was defeated. This seems to
have been in connection with O'Conor quarrels, for the Annals record
that in the same year Walter plundered some of King Torlogh's
friends. The disturbances went on in the following years.
In 1329 Walter de Burgo led a Connaught army into Munster
against Maurice FitzThomas, who took up the cause of Brian
O'Brien. The war seems to have ended in the arrest of the Earl of
Ulster and of Maurice by the justiciary, Roger Utlagh. But early
in the following year Earl William was high in the king's favour,
and was made the king's lieutenant in Ireland in March 1331.
In 1330 Walter moved into Silmurray, when " A camp attack was
made by Toirdhelbhach O'Conchobhair on Walter MacWilliam Burk,
in Lecmagh ^ in Magh-Luirg, whom he drove from thence to Cairthi-
liag-fada.- And Gilbert MacGoisdelbh, lord of Sliabh-Lugha, came
1 Now Logvoy, near Carrick on Shannon, in Killukin. (O'Donovan.)
- O'Donovan suggests it is Cnoc-a-Cartha (Knockacorha) townland in Killukin
parish, where a pillar stone (Cloghcrora) stands, S. of road from Frenchpark to
Camck, due E. of Cavetown, and close to road.
130
FROM DEATH OF RICHARD TO FALL OF GOVERNMENT. 131
with a large force to the assistance of MacWilliam Bvu-k, and
Tomaltach MacDonnchaidh came with another force to the assistance
of MacWilliam ; and both these armies turned against O'Concho-
bhair until they reached Ath-Disert-Nuadan ; and a few of O'Con-
chobhair's people were slain about the ford, . . . O'Conchobhair
went afterwards actively, proudly, into the Tuatha ; and MacWilliam
fixed his camp that night at Cill-Lomad, in presence of O'Concho-
bhair. The armies of all Connacht, both Foreigners and Gaeidhel, were
subsequently mustered by MacWilliam, with the object of seizing
the sovereignty of Connacht for himself. A prudent, amicable peace
was afterwards made by MacDiarmada and O'Conchobhair. . . .
Toirdhelbhach O'Conchobhair was slain by the people of Walter
MacWilliam Burk, whilst coming from the Earl's house." (L.C.)
This entry is the only ground for suspecting Walter of an attempt
to make himself King of Connaught, that is of the part of Sil-
murray still left to O'Conor. It is not likely that he had such an
intention. It is evident, however, that MacDermot and Torlogh
made peace in fear of some action disastrous to them both, and that
Torlogh went to appeal or submit to the Earl. But this Torlogh
was not the king.
In 1331 Walter was again in Moylurg, apparently in these pro-
ceedings maintaining Tomaltach as MacDermot, and plundered and
burnt all except the churches. But his proceedings were not approved
by the Earl, and Walter rebelled. Of this affair we have but the
annalist's entry — " The victory of Berna-in-Mil was gained over
Tomaltach MacDiarmada, King of Magh-Luirg, and over MacWilliam
Burk, by the Earl's son and Tomaltach MacDonnchaidh, in which a
great number of MacWilliam Burk's people were slain" (L.C). The
Earl's son was probably Edmond. Two of Walter's brothers, Edmond
and Re3'mond, were taken with him. The capture is said to have been
on 5th November, perhaps the date of the battle. In February 1332
they were taken to iSTorthburgh Castle, where Walter was starved to
death. Clyn says they were taken to Knockfergus Castle. It is pro-
bable that they were taken there first ; it was called also Xorthburgh
Castle. The castle in Inishowen, called by the Irish the New Castle
of Inishowen, is given as the place of his starvation by the L.C.
Annals, and it also was by the English called Xorthburgh. It seems
to be not the Green Castle, as supposed by O'Donovan, but one more
to the south near the head of Lough Swilly.
This is the first instance of a de Burgo rising against a de Burgo.
As Earl William was murdered in revenge for Walter, and as
Edmond's murder was a further consequence, Walter's rebellion may
be taken as the crisis of the fate of the English settlement. His
action was a rebellion against the king and in disobedience of his own
l.!2 THE EATvT.V iriSTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
chief lord, but what particuLir point was made a charjj;c against him
wo know not. It is likely that his action against King Toilogh
became open rebellion, and that Sir Edmond de Burgo was sent
against him in support of Torlogh, who was acknowledged by the
king as King of Connaught, and who had loyally come to help the
Karl with Walter's Connaught army in the war against Brian Ban
O'Brien and Maurice FitzThomas. However, after AValter's death
this affair was closed as regards the king, for " Peace was proclaimed
at Ilath-Seoher, to the sons of William Burk, on the part of the
King of the Saxons," in 1333 (L.C). In the same year " Gill^ert
MacGoisdelbh was slain in the middlt; of his own house by Cathal
MacDiarmada (Jail " (L.C).
The murder of Earl William in 13.'5I3 is variously described. As
John Clyn was nearly a contemj)orary, and must have met those who
were well acquainted with the fact, his concise account may be taken
as accurate : —
" On the Gth July William de Burgo, Earl of Ulster and Lord of
Connaught, is treachercnisly killed by his esquires (in whom he con-
fided) near l\ nockfei-gus. The perpetrators of this crime were John
de Logan, Rol)ert son of Richard Mandevyle, Robert son of Martin
Mandevyle, who, however, got but short and momentary comfort from
this; for joining themselves with the Irish (who are always used to
l)e friendly receivei's and defenders of the persecutors of the English
and loyal people) 300 and more of them are within two months in
one ilay killed Vjy John de Mandevyle and a few people of the
country. It was said that this wickedness was, as usual, brought
about by a woman, that is (Jyle de Burgo, wife of Lord Richard de
Mandevyle ; because he had imprisoned hei- brother Walter de Burgo
and otheis. This Earl was very clever, a lover of the state and of
peace, leaving an only daughter one year old."
He was murdered on a Sunday on his way to Mass at the lowest
ford in the Lagan at Belfast (Dr. Reeves).
Clyn seems to be in error like others in saying he left only one
dauirhter. The Patent Rolls in 1338 mention his daughter Isabella
as a ward, and in 1340 mention the grant of the marriage of his
daughter and heir ^largarot. I infer that these two ladies were twins,
l)()rn after the date of the inquisitions taken in 1333, and that they
died young, leaving Elizabeth as sole heiress. In 1352 she was
married to Lionel, Duke of Clarence, and had a daughter Philippa
wlio married ivlniund Mortimer, Earl of March. Her son Roger
Mortimer left a ilaughter Anne who married Richard Plantagenet,
Earl of Caml)ridge, father of Richard, Duke of York, father of
Edward IV. Thus the Earldom of Ulster and the Lordship of
Connaught eanie to be annexed to the Crown.
FROM DEATH OF lUCIIARD TO FALL OF GOVERNMENT. 133
The custody of the hite E.arl's Connaught castles and hinds was
given to Queen Philippa. On the 5th September 1333 Sir Edmond,
Earl Richard's son, got a grant of the Connaught possessions during
the minority at a rent of ,£200 yearly. He and Maelseachlainn
Mac Aedha, Archbishop of Tuam, were appointed jointly Justices of
the Peace for Connaught. This Edmond for the time became prac-
tically chief lord of Connaught, and not having great possessions
elsewhere, was able to attend to his own interests. He soon met with
opposition. The events are recorded in a very confused way, but it
is apparent that Edmond Albanagh, who succeeded to the position
of his brother, was fighting witli Edmond the Earl's son and with
the Clan-Ricard Burk. The term Clann Ricaird I take to apply
here to the descendants of Richard the first lord of Connaught's son
Walter, who had estates in ( ialway. It cannot be said for certain,
but I suspect that Sir Edmond Albanagh's resistance of Sir Edmond
encouraged the Irish chieftains to resist Sir Edmond and to attack
the English.
1335. "John, son of Art O'hEghra, was taken prisoner by the
Earl's son ; ^ and the principal part of his people was plundered by
him. A depredation irax roiniaiifM by the sons of Domhnall O'Con-
chobhair"'^ on the descendants of Maurice Sugach ^ FitzGerald, on
which occasion the son of MacMaurice was killed. A retaliatory
depredation was afterwards committed by the Clann-Maurice on the
same sons of Domhnall. The West of Connacht was all destroyed by
Edmond Burk ; a great many persons were slain and innumerable
depredations and burnings, and injuries were also committed by him
on the Earl's son, and on the Clan-Rickard Burk in the same year ;
but they afterwards made peace with one another. Great snow in
the spring, which desti'oyed the greater number of the small birds of
all Erinn." (L.C.)
This war appears to have been ostensibly a war between Sir
Edmond and O'Conor. The close Rolls of Edward III. show that in
June 1335 a friar was paid for going twice from Dublin to treat with
O'Conor of Connaught, and in October another was paid for going to
treat with O'Conor and with Edmond, son of Ricliard, late Earl of
Ulster. The effective force which made O'Conor dangerous was that
of the English who were under Sir Edmond Albanagli. From sub-
sequent dealings it is safe to infer that the king did not wish to
recognise the fact that an English baron was in rebellion.
Though matters were arranged between the Edmonds, there was
fighting in the border districts and in Roscommon, which is told as
follows in the A. L.C. under the year 1336. The sons of Dermot
^ Sir E'lraond. ^ Of race of Brian Luignech probably.
3 Son of Gerald Prendergast.
134 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Gall, who held Airtech, and Felim O'Conor raided MacCostello.
Maiduke, son of Waltrin MacCostello, was killed in following them.
Edmond All)anagl> plundered the O'Flanagan country and killed an
O'Flanagan, but a brother of Mac in Mhilidh was taken prisoner.
MacDermot and some O'Conors of Moy Ai and of Carbury made a
small raid into Tireragh. King Torlogh O'Conor mustered his forces
and broke down Castlemore when MacCostello was absent.
In 1337 King Torlogh formed a fortified camp at Ath-Liag against
Edmond. The result seems to be told in the following entry. O'Kelly
was a consistent ally of Sir Edmond Albanagh. " A great victory
over Toirdhelbhach O'Conchobhair, King of Connacht, by Clann-
Cellaigh ; and Toirdhelbhach himself was wounded there, and taken
prisoner ; and his horse and clothes were left there by him, together
with a great slaughter of people " (L.C.).
"Domhnall Ruadh O'Maille and Cormac O'Maille were slain by
the Clann-Mebhric, and by other Foreigners along with them, on
the night of St. Stephen's festival " (L.C.). Cormac was Donnell's
son.
In 1338 occurred the event which showed to all men the feebleness
of the king's government and led to open disregard of his authoi-ity,
not in Connaught and Ulster only but all over Ireland. Hitherto
it might be thought that the king tolerated the private wars from
unwillingness to put forth his strength.
The murder of Sir Edmond was a criterion of his jjower. The con-
donation of the murder was an act which could not be attributed to
any cause but the true one — inability to punish it.
This very important act, the seizure of Sir Edmond, does not seem
to have been the result of a conspiracy, but a sudden act brought
about by the opportunity, without very clear forecast of the conse-
quences. The affair is obscure. The more detailed account given by
Roderick O'Flaherty is probably correct, and agrees in substance with
the short note of the Irish chronicle : —
"Edmond Burk, i.e. the son of the Earl of Ulster, was taken
prisoner by Edmond Burk ; and a stone was tied round his neck, and
he was afterwards thrown into Loch-Mesca ; and the destruction of the
Foreigners of Connacht, and of his own family, occurred through this.
And Toirdhelbhach O'Conchobhair assumed the sway of Connacht
after that, and Edmond MacWilliam Burk was expelled out of Con-
nacht ; and the territories and churches of all the West of Connacht
were spoiled. And Edmond Burk collected a large fleet of ships and
barks, [and] remained on the islands of the sea for a long time.
Luighne and the Corann were depopulated and wasted, and the
sovereignty was assumed by their own hereditary Gaeidhel, after the
expvdsion of the Foreigners out of them." (L.C.)
FROM DEATH OF RICHARD TO FALL OF GOVERNMENT. 135
O'Flaherty's account is as follows : " During whose nonage, Edmond
was joyned in commission with Malachias, Arch-Bishoppe of Tuam,
for the government of Connaught ; until he was seized upon by Sir
William Bourk, afore-mentioned, his sons, on Low Sunday, the 19th
Aprill, in the Fryer's house of Balinrobe ; Roger de Flet, Seneschall
of Connaught, and Nicholas Lienot, and other nobles of his company,
being killed on the place. ,He was that night carried to Lough Measg
Castle, the next night to Ballyndeonagh Castle, and the third night
to that island on Lough Measg ; whither the Arch-Bishope of Tuam
came to bring him and his kinsmen to a reconciliation : and as they
were on points of agreements, the villains who had the custody of his
body, a certain family of the Stantons, dispairing their own safety if
he were set at liberty, miserably turned him into a bag, and
cast him out of the island into the lake, with stones tied to the
bag ; for which fact they were called Clan Ulcin ever since. Of
this Edmond and his wife Slany, daughter of Tordellvac O'Bryan,
L. of Tuomond, lineally descended the lords of Castleconnell and
Bretas, with the rest of the county of Limerick Burks." (" lar
Connaught," p. 47.)
If he was so drowned, and there is no reason to doubt it, the body
seems to have been recovered and buried, as a small mound under a
small thorn tree is pointed out as the Earl's grave, in Earl's Island
near Glentraigue. That remote mountain region was a good place to
take him away from chance of a rescue until Edmond Albanagh could
assemble his forces. The action of the Stauntons was decisive, and
brought all parties face to face with a new situation.
All Connaught must have been startled. Sir Edmond was
evidently well frightened by what he had brought on himself, and
at once put himself out of reach on the islands. None of the barons
would at fii'st be very ready to support him or receive him even,
not knowing how the king would take it. The had not to wait
long. The fact must have been known to the kmg in a few weeks.
And on August 12, 1338, the king made a "Grant to Edmund de
Burgh, and Reymund, his brother, of sufferance for two years in
respect of their adherence to certain opponents and rebels against
the king in Ireland in the past, inasmuch as laudable testimony is
now given as to their bearing towards him and his people there for
some time." (Cal. Pat. Rolls Edw. III., vol. iv.)
The matter was finally settled by the following on the 14th March
1340: "Pardon, for their good service in Ireland, to Edmund, son
of William de Burgh, knight, and Reymund de Burgh, his brother,
of the king's suit against them, for the death of Edmund, son of
Richard de Burgh, late Earl of Ulster, and Richard de Flete, and
for all other felonies and trespasses whatsoever, and of any conse-
136 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
quent outlawries; his suit for the death of William, late Earl of
Ulster, and John de Scolton excepted." (Ibid.)
Reymvmd must have had a full pardon or protection, as we find
an order dated 10th April 1340 for payment of .£100 to Reymund,
son of William de Burgh, the king's yeoman, charged to array and
make ready a certain number of men-at-arms and hobelers for the
king's service in France, and to provide ships and to pay them from
date of embarkation. He did go to France, and sold thirteen horses
to the king for £80 in the following October. It is probable that
he and Edmond had no part in the murder of Earl William, and that
the charge was kept against them in case of evidence turning up.
This pai'don for an undoubted murder must be taken as the king's
acknowledgment of the independence of Edmond Albanagh, of his
abandonment of the government of Connaught.
In this year, 1340, the castle of Roscommon fell into the hands
of King Torlogh O'Conor. Traces of local acknowledgment of royal
authority occur a little later, and the towns of Athenry and
Gal way kept up their connection with the king, but practically all
administration ceased.
According to the A.L.C., Edmond was driven to Ulster with
his fleet in 1339. That he was driven away is certainly not the
case, for he returned and immediately appears in full possession
of power in Mayo and Galway. To go to Ulster by sea was his
safest course, as he could not be sure of safety from arrest if he
went by land, without a very large escort, as the charge of murder
was hanging over him. We do not know, but may suppose, that
his object was to arrange with the Ulster Irish chiefs that they
also should ignore the king's authority and secure their own inde-
pendence. At this time O'Donnell was the most powerful of the
Ulster Irish. O'Neill had been reduced by neighbourhood of the
Ulster colony and by the formation of some demesnes in the country
of the Cinel Eoghain ; for instance, Inishowen was occupied by the
New Castle, and there are references to other possessions of the
earl in Cinel Eoghain. Edmond succeeded, if that was his object.
This much is certain, that the Irish of Ulster in future practically
ignored the countess's claims, and that both Iri.sh and English
tenants in Connaught followed the same course l:)y degrees, the
claims of the great absentee barons within the countries known
as the MacWilliam territories being similarly ignored, saving the
right of the Earl of Ormond to North Umall and to Aughrim,
which was acknowledged in the sixteenth century and continued
into the nineteenth. The pardon of 1340 I take to be a result and
recognition of the attitude of the principal English barons.
Thus ended the first period of English government in Mayo.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE DE BURGO FAMILY IN CONNAUGHT AND THEIR
IRISH NEIGHBOURS.
As the history of the county from the thirteenth to the sixteenth
century turns much on the growth of the Bourkes, the ramifications
of the family must be kept in mind.
The first settler in Ireland was William de Burgo, called by the
Irish William Conquer, who was a brother of Hubert de Burgo,
afterwards the great Earl of Kent. William married a daughter
of Donnell Mor O'Brien, King of Thomond. Her sisters married
Cathal Crobderg O'Conor and Donnell Mor O'Kelly, King of Hy
Many. The de Burgos were generally on very good terms with
the O'Briens and O'Kellys.
William left three sons, Richard, William, and Hubert, who was
Abbot of Athassel and afterwards Bishop of Limerick. Richard
became Lord of Connaught, excepting the King's Five Cantreds.
William was Sheriff of Connaught. He had estates in Munster,
as might be expected, and there is evidence that he had property
near Donamon, which seems to have been the part of the barony
of Ballymoe which was not included in the ancient territory of
Clanconway. From his son Richard's son Walter came MacWalter
of Tuath MacWalter. But his son William's son David acquired
the manor of Donamon or Clanconway from the heirs of William
de Oddingeseles, whereby the MacDavids became chiefs of their
branch in Connaught.
The next generation gave off the branch which became the
greatest family of Connaught, the Clann William of Mayo and
Galway, descended from Richard's third son William. As sons of
Walter and William grew up, the Irish distinguished them by
tribal names. Clanricard seems to have been used for the main
line until the close of the fourteenth century, when the term was
transferred and confined to the descendants of Richard Og, the
first who bore the title of Mac William of Clanricard, or Upper
MacWilliam. Clann William Burk became the tribe name of
William Og's descendants in Connaught. But it was used also of
the descendants of Earl Richard and of William the Sheriff in
138 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Munster. It was also used when necessary to denote all the de-
scendants of William Conquer.
In the beginning' of the fourteenth century there were four great
groups of de Burgos : —
1. Earl Richard and his descendants.
2. Descendants of Sheriff William, called Clanwilliam in Munster,
and afterwards Clan Sir David in Connaught.
3. Those of Earl Walter in (lalway, called Clanricard.
4. Those of William Og, called Clan William in Connaught. Rann
MacWilliam was the term applied in the sixteenth century to the
Bourkes of the Co. Mayo.
THE IRISH CHIEFS BORDERING ON THE ENGLISH.
The O'Conors of Sligo.
Brian Luighnech's descendants lived in quiet subjection under
their English lords, their chief dwelling at Castletown under Ben-
bulben. Thus they found themselves in possession of the barony
of Cai'bury and of the great castle of Sligo, which had been held
only by a garrison and the small town about it. Sir Edmvmd's
position obliged him to abandon all such territories as were not
well colonised. Clann Andrias appears suddenly as a family of the
first rank in power among the Irish of Connaught, and by degrees
acquired a supremacy over the territories which were for that reason
included in the county of Sligo. Their power on the whole tended
to increase until, in the sixteenth centui-y, O'Donnell pressed them
hard on the north and revived the ancient claim of the Cinel Conaill
to Carbury.
After the death of Donnell in 1395, their chief used the title
MacDomhnaill Mhic Muircheartaigh, until in 1536 Tadhg Og assumed
that of O'Conchobhair, being then the strongest of the three O'Conors
of Connaught.
Donnell's sons were ancestors of four families who divided Carbury
into four hereditai'y estates, and quarrelled among themselves and
with the descendants of Cathal Og. These quarrels brought the two
Mac Williams and other lords into action from time to time.
The O'Dowdas,
O'Dowda was living quietly in Tireragh, and at once got possession
of the eastern half. In 1371 he got possession of Castleconor and
Ardnarea. It is not certain that he retained Castleconor at this
time ; if not now, he certainly acquired it later on. But Ardnarea
THE DE BUEGO FAMILY IN CONNAUGHT. 139
was recovered immediately, and remained Bourke property until
the seventeenth century. O'Dowda was always under the Sligo
O' Conors.
The O'Haras.
The O'Haras appear at once in possession of all Leyny, but in two
independent chiefries, O'Hara Boy had castles at Templehouse,
Coolany, Tullyhugh, Annaghmore, Meemlough, the north-eastern
half ; O'Hara Reagh's castles were at Balliara near Tubbercurry,
Belaclare (now Aclare), Cashelcarragh, and the Island of Lough Talt.
These castles came into existence by degrees. The ancient FitzC4erald
castle of Banada is said to have been converted into the monastery.
The O'Garas.
This family retained Coolavin, which was too small and poor to
give them a position of strength.
The MAcDoNOGrHS.
The MacDonoghs descended from Donnchadh, who died in 1232, a
son of Tomaltach MacDermot, King of Moylurg. MacDonogh appears
as MacDermot's sub-chief in possession of Tirerrill as his inheritance.
Immediately after 1338 another MacDonogh appears as Lord of Corran.
I suspect that this MacDermot got into possession under the de Burgos,
as fighting for Corran is not recorded in the Annals. The MacDonoghs
seem to have put themselves at once in alliance with the O'Conors of
Sligo, a natural course in order to relieve themselves of a more real
subjection to their tribal lord MacDermot. Ballymote Castle, being only
a garrison, fell naturally into MacDonogh's hands. The MacDonogh
lordship was one for a long time, to the extent that one was con-
sidered to be the chief, though both used the title.
The MacDermots.
MacDermot lost Tirerrill about this time, but gained Airtech
by the submission of MacDermot Gall. Another branch of the
family was established in course of time in Tirtuathail with the title
MacDermot Roe, but it was not powerful. MacDermot was always
the most powerful of the Silmurray chieftains. He took up the
cause of O'Conor Roe.
The O'Conors and the Silmurray.
The partition of 1236 drove the principal O'Conors, save Clan
Andrias, Clan Murtough Mweenagh, and Clan Manus, into the King's
140 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Cantreds, where they were further penned up in Moy Ai by the king's
assumption of direct management of those of Tirmany and Omany
after 1249. The old chiefs of tlie Silmui-ray and of the Three Tuaths
lost importance as the royal family settled among and over them.
O'Conor now got the sovereignty of Roscommon County north of
the baronies of Athlone and Ballymoe. Ballintubber Castle had been
let decay, and fell into his hands at once. Roscommon was soon
taken. The family quarrels weakened the O'Conors steadily until
the sovereign title was extinguished in the sixteenth century.
The O'Kellys.
The O'Kellys, who seem to have been always in possession of all
or nearly all Tiaquin barony, now appear in possession of those of Ath-
lone, Killian, Kilconnell, Clonmacnowen, and Moycarne. O'Murray,
O'Fallon, and O'Concannou were among them. They must be sup-
posed to have come into possession first as tenants of the absentee
English lords, for these territories were let out entirely to absentees
by the king. Sir Richard de Exeter formed a large estate about
Athleague, and built a castle there, but neither he nor his son or
grandson lived there ; they were ofiicials. The Butler estate was held
by a castle at Aughrim. There was no considerable settlement of
English nor any resident English lord. The O'Kellys were the best
tenants that could be found in the circumstances. All the important
O'Kelly families who inhabited the last five baronies descended from
Donnell Mor, the King of Hy Many who died in 1224.
Thus O'Kelly found himself in a very strong position in 1338. He
was usually in close alliance with the Lower Mac William.
The O'Maddexs.
O'Madden had been a faithful adherent of the de Burgo lord, and
had been a great tenant under him. His position now became one
of independence, but following the tradition of his family, he remained
on terms of close friendship with the Burkes, which secured the
Silanmchadha against the revival of ancient claims of sovereignty
by the King of the Hy Many.
O'Shaughnessy and O'Heyne had considerable estates in the
barony of Kiltartan, which originated in the time of .the FitzGerald
lordship. As the few settlers in Ardrahan and other places dis-
appeared, these families took their places. But they had no in-
dependence, and were included in Clanricard.
THE DE BURGO FAMILY IN C'ONNAUGHT. 141
The O'Flahertys.
O'Flalierty -seems to have been a tenant in chief of de Burgo.
This fact and the wildness of his country gave him complete in-
dependence. The rise of English power and the weakening of the
Lower Mac William in the sixteenth century gave the O'Flahertys
more importance than they had during the preceding period.
By some unexplained transaction in the third quarter of the cen-
tury, the barony of Ross was put under O'Flaherty. It was probably
that by which he acquired the castle and lands of Ross as an eric
from the Bourkes.
CHAPTER XVII.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MACWILLTAMSHIP.
Edward II. 's feeble government let Ireland get out of hand, and
in consequence the great lords were fighting among themselves.
The young Earl of Ulster helped the justiciary to regain control
under the new government. The general disregard of the king's
authority led Sir Walter Bourke to treat his own lord with like
contempt, with disasti'ous results to himself. The Earl's treatment
of Sir Walter taught his other subjects the difference between the
King and the Earl, and secvired peace in his dominions until his
death.
The Earl's death was followed by the vesting of his power in the
king's hands by right of wardship, and its disappearance. His uncle,
Sir Edmond, had but limited power. Factions arose, and war broke
out in 1335. The cause of quarrel does not appear, but Clanricard
sided with Sir Edmond against Sir Edmond Albanagh. We may
suspect, rather than infer from known facts, that Sir Edmond
Albanagh and Clanwilliam resisted the lawful rights of the Crown.
The only indication is the fact that Sir Edmond Albanagh destroyed
West Connaught. Sir Walter, as eldest son of Sir William, should
have succeeded to the bulk of his estates according to the law and
custom of the time. Where they lay is not clear, but Sir Walter is
described as of the diocese of Annaghdown. It is likely that the
Earl tried Sir Walter in his court, and forfeited his estates before
starving him to death. Thus the war is likely to have arisen over
the possession of Sir Walter's estates in the barony of Clare ; or
regarding the wardship of his daughters, if they were under age.
The murder of Sir Edmond forced a clearing up of the position.
The king did not punish it, treating it as matter for compromise, and
neglecting to maintain the rights of the Earl's daughters, his wards.
The great absentee lords of estates within the lordship of Connaught
were too busy fighting with each other to spend their forces in
attempts to subdue Connaught. Thus all Ireland realised the truth
that Clann William Burke and their allies and the Irish chiefs could
hold their own.
All the settlers wei-e not on Clann William's side. Clann Maurice
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MACWILLIAMSHIP. 143
and Olaun Fheorais and Clann Ricaii-d opposed them at first. From
1342 onwards the supremacy of Clann William was acknowledged in
the person of Sir Edmond Albanagh. The great English lords who
held directly from the lord of Connaught divided their allegiance
between the two Mac Williams, and in course of time paid rent and
military service to the ]\Iac Williams in several cases. In the division
the Mayo lords went with MacWilliam Eighter, except Prendergast ;
the de Berminghams and all the Galway lords went with MacWilliam
Oughter. The great Irish lords like O'Kelly, O'Madden, the MacDer-
mots, MacDonoghs, and O'Conors became really independent, but
O'Heyne, O'Shaughnessy, and O'Malley became dependents of the
Burkes.
MacDavid had not been included in the lordship of Connaught in
respect of Clanconway, and consequently claimed independence in
1576, but in fact did pay head rent to the Earl of Clanricai'd.
The garrisons of castles in Corran, Leyny, Tireragh, and Carbury
seem to have been withdrawn, save that the Bourkes for a long time
held Ardnarea and Castleconor and the lands along the Moy. The
O'Haras became lords of Leyny, O'Gara lord of Coolavin ; MacDonogh
took possession of Corran, if he was not already in possession as tenant;
MacDermot Gall remained in Airteach, and O'Flynn in Sil-Maelruain.
The O'Conoi's seized the rest of the de Burgo possessions in Ros-
common.
The O'Kellys seem to have been always in possession of nearly
all the barony of Tiaquin, and they occupied as tenants of absentee
English owners the parts of the cantreds of Tirmany and Omany not
occupied by O'Murrays and O'Fallons. The Annals do not show
grounds for supposing that the castles were taken by force, except
Roscommon. The English townsmen and fai-mers had to abandon
town and country as soon as the conditions necessary for the con-
tinuance of civil life disappeared, or else they sank into the mass
of Irish population. Aughrim Castle was longer in English occupa-
tion, but was at last made over to the O'Kellys by the Earl of
Ormond. There was no occasion for fighting, as the absentees did
not attempt to recover possession.
Histories usually tell us that the king lost Connaught because
Edmond and Ulick rebelled, renounced English law and dress and
adopted Irish customs and dress, and seized the estates of the
Countess of Ulster, which they divided. This seems to be a con-
fusion with the action of Ulick and John, sons of the Earl of Clanri-
card, who broke their pai'ole in 1577. The records show no sign of
rebellion against the king. The king's pardon in 1340 shows that
Sir Edmond was not held to be in rebellion, possibly because the king
found it inconvenient to call him a rebel. His action legally affected
144 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
the lordship of Connaught, not the sovereignty. But he was in fact
a rebel against the king and his law. He and his descendants, the
MacWilliams, were always ready to acknowledge the king's supremacy,
but what they had they kept, and the acceptance of their submissions
served only to acknowledge their possessions.
No contemporary authority refers to a formal adoption of Irish
customs and renunciation of English law. The change was gradual
and of necessity, and was complete in Mayo at the close of the
fourteenth century. But the succession to the MacWilliamship of
Clanricard followed the law of primogeniture until the beginning of
the sixteenth century. The court of the king and the court of the
Lady of Connaught could not work, as no force was behind them after
1340. They were withdrawn.
An attitude of rebellion is inconsistent with the pardon of 1340,
and with the king's letter of 13-1:4 asking Edmond de Burgo to bring
twenty men-at-arms and fifty hobelers, and with his letter of 1347
asking Edmond and his brother Reymond to bring ten men-at-arms
and sixty hobelers for the war against the King of France.
From time to time the king tried to assert himself in Connaught.
Ulick of Clanricard rebelled in 1388. In 1390 the Bishop of Clon-
macnoise and T. Hill held a sessions at Ballinrobe as justices in
Connaught. This is probably the circuit referred to by the bishop,
who reported to the Council that the sheriff, Lord Athenry, refused
him an escort, that he had to pay £10 in silver to O'Kelly's son for
an escort, that he had to live at his own expense, besides the refresh-
ment that Thomas Bourke gave him, for more than half a year. The
Council allowed him ten marks. Hence it seems that he was in Con-
naught only upon suffei'ance. Thomas was made Justice of the Peace
and knighted at the close of his life.
In 1403 "William, or Ulick, of Clanricard, being then senior
MacWilliam, was made deputy for Connaught, and empowered to
receive for the king the customs, &c. during the minority of Edmund,
Earl of March. Thus, by abstaining from treating the MacWilliams
as rebels, the king kept up the form of supremacy until the lordship
of Connaught merged in the Crown in the person of Edward TV.
It is clear that Edmond and Ulick did not at once divide
Connaught. Edmond and Clan William beat down resistance in
1342. Clanricard rose again in 1349 in support of Richard, son
of Sir Edmond the Earl's son, and suffered serious defeat by Edmond
Albanagh and Bermingham. In 1355 the English of West Connaught
defeated Edmond, and Richard Og defeated him. In 1366 Clan Ricard
took up the cause of Clan Maurice, who were driven out by Edmond,
who brought a great force into Upper Connaught, spent three months
there, and thoroughly subdued Clan Ricard, who gave him hostages.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MACWILLIAMSHIP. 145
Sir EdmonJ constantly fought for and maintained supremacy over
the English settlers. He and his son Thomas are alone allowed the
title " Mac William " in the Annals of Loch Ce. In the Annals of
Clonmacnoise, in the year 1380, Thomas and Richard Og are called
MacWilliam Inferior and Superior. In 1386 the Annals of Loch Cu
allow to Richard Og the title " MacWilliam of Clanricard." Two
MacWilliams were created on the death of Sir Thomas in 1401 ; but
Walter admitted the superiority of Ulick of Clanricard as the senior.
In 1508 the union of chui^ches with the wardenship of Gal way was
confirmed by Theobald Bourke, as chief of his nation, being then
senior of the two MacWilliams.
The lordship of MacWilliam seems to have been truly one as long
as Edmond Albanagh lived, and to have been ostensibly one up to
the death of Thomas.
Sir Edmond's claims rose as his position became stronger. They
seem at first to have gone no higher than something in the nature of
claim to succession, and to have grown into a claim of superior lord-
ship over the English of Connaught, which he made good.
The Bourkes and the other great barons of Connaught were still
Anglo-Normans by education, and so were their descendants in a
lessening degree until they became fully hibernicised, as appears
from the history of the Bourkes and of their O'Conor, O'Kelly,
MacDermot, and O'Brien neighboui-s. The former kept as much as
they could to themselves, fighting only to suppress rebellion or to
help their allies — that is, to preserve the balance of power in Con-
naught — and abstained from raids having no object but plunder, and
succeeded each other in the lordship peaceably according to rule of
succession ; which was, among the Lower Bourkes from the fourteenth
century, that the eldest surviving son of a MacWilliam should succeed,
and among the Upper Bourkes until the sixteenth century the rule of
primogeniture.
In the beginning of the sixteenth century they were so thoroughly
hibernicised that they fought for the succession like their neighbours.
The establishment of the MacWilliamship and of the palatine juris-
dictions of Ormond and Desmond coincide in time and were similar in
results, namely, the disappearance of the authority of the king's courts
and the general adoption of Irish customs, with the consequent absence
of administration of law and steady impoverishment of the people.
In the former case the king's courts were set aside by force ; in the
latter he covered his weakness by granting his jurisdiction to the
great lords. He gave Ormond and Desmond what MacWilliam
took.
K
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE FIRST MAC\YILLIAMS.
EdmoxXD I., 1340-1375.
The MacWilliamship may be most conveniently dated as commencing
with this year, because it had then become apparent that Sir Edmond
need not fear that the royal power would interfere with his plans.
All the Anglo-Norman lords in Mayo seem to have accepted his
supremacy, which may be considered as a continuation of the power
which his brother and his father had wielded under the authority
of the chief lord, except the Clan Maurice. This family did not submit
without fighting, and carried down to the sixteenth century the memory
of this contest, for they then asserted that by right their allegiance
was due to the Earl of Clanricard.
How the quarrel broke out does not appear, but it is not unlikely
that they sided against Sir Edmond in some more general quarrel,
such as that of the O'Conors in the following year. All that is
known is in the following notice : "A great defeat was inflicted by
MacWilliam Burk on the Clann-Maurice, on which occasion Thomas
MacMaurice, and Maurice son of Seonac Ruadh, and seven score
persons along with them, were slain " (L.C., 1341).
During this century and for some time longer Connaught politics
were much affected by the rivalry between the descendants of King
Felim, who was slain at the battle of Athemy, and his brother. King
Torlogh, and his descendants, who from this time forth were almost
always fighting for the kingship, which they divided in 1385, without
securing permanent peace. Four strong factions of O'Conors were
now divided into two parties — that of King Torlogh, ancestor of
O'Conor Donn, who was supported by the Clann Andrias of Sligo ;
and that of Aedh, son of Felim and nephew of Torlogh, ancestor of
O'Conor Roe, who was supported by the Clann Murtough Mweenagh,
which was now settled in Brefne, but afterwards quarrelled with
O'Rourk and disappeared in the fifteenth century.
Torlogh's party was supported by MacDonogh and INIacDavid, and
often by Clanricard.
Aedh's party was supported by MacDermot and by Edmond
146
THE FIRST MACWILLIAMS. 147
Albanagh and the Lower Mac Williams, and generally by 0' Kelly.
Aedh's wife was a daughter of Walter Burk.
This ai'ray lasted in a general way for many years, and was
mainly the source of the political relations of the great powers of
Connaught. Walter Burk began the quarrel with Torlogh which
Edmond carried on.
The war broke out in 1342. In the course of it " An ugly act of
treachery was committed on the Clann-William-Burk at the instiga-
tion of O'Conchobhair, when Thomas Burk was slain by the Clann-
Maurice while in their own assembly ; ^ and Seonin Burk was slain in
the same way by the Clann-Rickard " (L.C.). The result of much
fighting in the O'Conor country was that Torlogh was deposed by the
Silmurray and MacWilliam, wdio made Aedh, son of Aedh Breifnech,
king on the first Monday of winter, and made Felim's son Aedh the
Tanist.
This result was reversed in 1343. Torlogh returned, resumed the
sovereignty, and passed it on to his son Aedh at his death in 1345.
In 1348 Edmond drove out the de Berminghams, who repaired to
O'Conor. But they must have submitted, as they helped Sir Edmond
when Richard, son of Edmond, son of the Earl of Ulster, invaded
Connaught in the south, assisted by the Clanricard. Sir Edmond
took Richard prisoner and killed some of his Burke allies. Richard
died of the plague in the same year.
In 1355 Richard Og, who was afterwards the first called MacWilliam
of Clanricard, comes into action in a quarrel with the O'Maddens, who
were helped by Sir Edmond, whose household was defeated in a battle
in which Stephen MacJordan, Henry MacPhilpin, and sixteen O'Mad-
dens were slain. Sir Edmond and Cathal Og burnt Tuam. This was
but a temporary alliance, if Cathal Og was the Sligo O'Conor who in
1360 invaded Tirawley and destroyed many houses and churches.
Cathal Og's raid was well punished in the following year, when Sir
Edmond and Bermingham brought up an arm)' which wasted Leyny
and Tireragh.
In 1366 Sir Edmond again came into conflict with the Clan Maurice,
who fled to Clanricard, where their cause was taken up. Edmond
and Aedh, son of Felim, who was now King of Connaught, and
O'Kelly invaded Clanricard, which was subdued after three months
of warfare, and gave hostages.
In 1367 he intervened in the O'Conor Sligo quarrels. Donnell and
Teige were the rivals. Donnell had the help of MacWilliam and
MacDermot and MacDonogh and O'Rourk. Edmond operated in
Leyny, where he captured John O'Hara and William O'Malley. Other
forces dealt with Teige, whom they pursued to the Strand of Ballysa-
1 And William Burk (A. CI.).
148 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
dare, where they killed 150 of his Gallowglasses under ]\[acDonnells
and MacSweenys and MacSheehys. Donnell and Teige now divided
the country.
After the decay of English power the bands of Gallowglasses be-
came an important Irish institution. Tliey originated in bodies of
mercenary Scots brought in by the MacDonnells of Antrim, who were
hereditary constables — the name given by the Irish to commanders of
these bands. These men were carefully chosen, well drilled, and well
armed, and being under strict discipline, fought with great determina-
tion, often refusing to flinch, and being killed to the last man.
The maintenance of such a body very much increased the power of
an Irish chieftain over his sub-chiefs and his relations. Owing to the
difliculty of making punctvial payments, lands were in time assigned
as pay to the constables, whose forces in these circumstances soon fell
to the average Iiish standard of eiiiciency. The MacDonnells,*called
Clandonnell Gallowglass, and their relations the MacDougalls were
the great Gallowglass family of Ulster and Connaught and Leinster.
MacSweenys took up the business in Ulster and Connav;ght, and
MacSheehys in Munster. In later times Clandonnells were engaged
by the Lower MacWilliam.
In 1371 Donnell O'Dubhda attacked the English of Tireragh and
took Castleconor and Ardnarea Castle. He is said to have parcelled
the land out among his people, but this is an exaggeration. Ardnarea
was always a Bourke castle.
Sir Edmond died in 1371. He was a man of unusual ability and
determination, who acquired supremacy over all the English settlers
of Connaught and took a leading part in the quarrels of his Irish
neighbours ; he was too strong to be much troubled by his enemies,
who could do no more against him than a small raid.
Thomas I., 1375-1401.
The succession of Thomas to his father, Sir Edmond, marks the
declension from English law. His elder brother, William Saxonagli,
left a son whose right according to English law was ignored in favour
of Thomas. He succeeded only partially to his father's position.
Though he seems to have been acknowledged as the one MacWilliam,
there is no doubt that in his time Richard Og became an independent
MacWilliam and lord of the parts of the county of Galway commonly
called Clanricard. Thomas's dominions weie the county of Mayo and
the barony of Ross, and some land about Ardnarea and along the east
bank of the ^loy. From want of ability to control his people and the
barons who held under him, and from the general weakening of his
THE FIRST MACWILLIAMS. 149
country caused by the absence of that fairly good administration of
law which had made his grandfather and uncle and father so powerful,
and which died with the separation from the king's courts and autho-
rity, and by the wars which his father had been obliged to wage in
his new position, he failed to protect his country efficiently from his
enemies, who repeatedly entered and destroyed and plundered to the
heart of it. Though he could I'etaliate, that was no compensation for
the loss of security which, during this and the following century,
reduced the lands of the English lords to the level of those of their
Irish neighbours in poverty and disorder.
The lesser lords becoming equally independent in their own sphere,
the dissolution of authority progressed rapidly. They began to fight
with each other and in their own families. The absence of superior
authority rendered this inevitable ; there was no other way of settling
a dispvxte when one of the parties was unwilling to refer to an
arbitrator.
In one important point the Bourkes and the English lords differed
from their Irish neighbours. Those neighbours were not called in to
help against members of their own family in family quarrels. For a
long time they managed to settle them without fighting.
In 1377 Thomas and O'Kelly joined MacDermot against Ruaidhri
O'Conor, King of Connaught, who defeated them when they attacked
him at Roscommon Castle, killing Thomas's brother Richard and
Hubert MacPhilpin and Henry MacPhilpin.
A war now broke out between the Sligo and Mayo chieftains, which
seems to have originated in O'Conor quarrels. But as usual we have
only fragments of information, notes of important events. Jordan de
Exeter, lord of Athleathan, and John de Exeter were killed in a
battle at Athleathan, in which the Lower MacWilliam defeated the
Upper MacWilliam. The people of Gallen killed Mui'tough O'Hara.
This was in 1380.
In the following year Donnell O'Conor of Sligo, MacDonogh,
O'Dowda, and O'Hara burnt Mac William's country up to Carnglas and
Belantondaigh,! and fi'om Ballinrobe to Shrule and Killeenbrenin,
and Cormac MacDonogh carried off the preys of John Bourke's sons
up to Umhall. Carnglas must be on the Moy, whose estuary was
called Inverglas. The Clan Donogh also broke down the castle of
Athleathan and carried its gate away to Ballymote. The Clan
Costello killed Teige MacDermot Gall.
In 1382 Clan Maurice plundered Corcamoe, and killed O'Concannon
who pursued their prey. Conor Og MacDermot invaded Clan Maurice,
who had notice and were ready. Nevertheless MacDermot reached
the town (of the Bree?), where he burnt the buildings and corn and
^ Not identified.
150 THE EAlfLV HISTORY OF THE COUNTV OF MAYO.
slew many, and returned safely. It is not to be supposed that Thomas
Bourke looked on quietly, but none of his actions are recorded.
At the death of Ruaidhri O'Conor in 1384, Torlogh Roe was set up
by the chiefs of Silmurruy, Clan Murtough Mweenagh, MacDermot,
and Mac William Burke. Torlogh Og was set up by O'Kelly, Donnell
MacMurtough of Sligo, MacDonogh, and MacWilliam of Clanricard.
This is the usual array of parties, except that O'Kelly has changed
sides, perhaps because his second wife was a daughter of the late
King Torlogh, uncle of Torlogh Og, and Torlogh Og was himself
married to Grainne, O'Kelly's daughter. But it is not quite certain
that this king is the Torlogh Og who was that Grainne's husband.
Thus a general war broke out. It is impossible to make out the
sequence of events, but all Connaught suffered from raids. The
attacking party made preparations as quietly as possible. If successful
they got off with their plunder before the enemy assembled in force,
or cari'ied off the plunder in spite of opposition. When they got
home and dispersed a similar raid was made on them, or a neighbour
raided their country during their absence. Cattle were driven back-
wards and forwards. An invader in sufficient force might secure sub-
mission and payment of cattle. But no one was effectively subdued.
The year 1385 was disastrous to Mayo men. MacWilliam invaded
Tireragh and marched up to Sligo Castle. Donnell MacMurtough
O'Conor of Sligo invaded and burnt Tii-awley and carried off prisoners
and plunder.
Cormac MacDonogh wasted Clann Cuain, but MacWilliam came
against him and turned his men out of Castlebar. The MacDonoghs
who went to plunder Carra were defeated, and lost many men at the
hands of the Stauntons and others and the sons of Cathal Og. They
diove their preys as far as the mountain of Carra, which I take to be
Knockspellagadaun or Slieve Carna, where they killed them, and were
themselves driven into Kilconduff and surrounded. But they escaped
in the night.
The result of the fighting was that the Silmurray were divided
under two O'Conors. Torlogh Roe adopted the name of O'Conor Roe.
The chief castle of this branch was at Tulsk. Ballintubber Castle
appears to have been in after times held by whichever O'Conor was
strongest. Torlogh Og took the name of O'Conor Donn. Roscommon
was his chief castle, but in this partition he got also that of Ballin-
tubber. O'Donovan thought that " Donn " was the old Irish word
meaning Lord, and that it wns adopted to mark his claim to be con-
sidered as the head of the chief line of the family. The peace was but
temporary.
In 1386 Donnell MacMurtough O'Conor, the MacDonoghs, the
O'Haras, and O'Dowda invaded Tirawley. They killed Robert of
THE FIRST MACWILLTAMS. 151
Dun Domnainn (or MacRoberfc, A.U.), a Barrett, and Maigeog Gallda
and MacMeyler of Corran, who was probably a Bourke of Curraun
Achill. They took Lynot's Castle and cut down the orchards of
Iniscoe and Caerthanan, now Castlehill. O'Conor Roe and his men
came to Mac William's help and plundered all Tireragh. They then
went to plunder Clanricard. O'Brien brought an army to help Mac-
William of Clanricard, and they came up with O'Conor Roe, who
turned on them and defeated them.
The result of the war was that the two O'Conors made peace, and
that Thomas Bourke, Mac William Bourke, submitted to Mac William
of Clanricard so far as to acknowledge his superiority as senior.
MacFheorais, Lord Athenry, also acknowledged his supremacy.
Thomas had been losing power since his accession, when he seems
to have succeeded to Sir Edmond's position so far as to be acknow-
ledged as sole Mac William, or to have assumed the position. Thomas
now resigned this pretension, accepting Richard Og as a Mac-
William and as head of all the Burkes, in virtue of the fact that
Richard had been acknowledged as a MacWilliam by his portion of
the lordship from a date before Thomas's accession. This submission
regulated the superiority in future. The superiority, however, seems
to have been only formal and titular, but the settlement probably
involved the abandonment of claims to anything more on either side.
The death of Richard Og in 1387 made Thomas the senior Mac-
William.
The O'Conors being at war as usual in 1388, MacWilliam advanced
to Glendaduff in the mountains to act against MacDonogh. Teige
O'Dowda carried off plunder from Addergoole. This must have been
the Addergoole in the Coolcarney country, and the affair was pro-
bably only a petty skirmish and seizure of a few cattle. We know
no more of Thomas's operations. For a few years the peace of Mayo
was broken only by petty internal disturbances.
In 1393, the narrow neck which joined Dunros in Tirawlej- with
the mainland being broken away by the sea, the men were brought
off by means of ships' cables.^ This may have been the Ross forming
the eastern side of Rathfran Bay.
When Richard II. came to Ireland in this year, Thomas Bourke
made a formal submission to him and was knighted.
In 1394 John de Exeter's sons killed Mac Jordan treacherously in
his castle. In the following year MacJordan was taken prisoner by
his own clan, and was put in the hands of Sir Thomas. Donnell
O'Conor of Sligo came to Mac William's country with an army, and
MacJordan was released, and peace was made. From the meagre
entry made by the Four Masters, we may infer that the family
1 MacFirbis, quoted by O'Donovan ; F.M., 1893.
152 THE EAJtLV HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
quarrel among the de Exeters was referred to Sir Thomas, and that
Donnell thought it a good opportunity to attack Sir Thomas. But as
O'Donnell also thought it a suitable time to invade Sligo, Donnell
made peace Avith Sir Thomas.
As MacWilliam had taken up the cause of Cathal Og's sons, Donnell
was opposed to him during his warlike and successful life, which ended
a week before Christmas. From him his descendants, the O'Conor
chieftains of Sligo, took the name of MacDomhnaill Mic Muirchear-
taigh, used until 1536, when the name of O'Conor was used instead.
The O'Conor quarrels kept all the country in a turmoil. It is
impossible to make out the course of events certainly, but they seem
to have gone as follows in the year 1396. Robert Barrett was a
rebel, but it does not appear why. The sons of John de Exeter
were also in exile, pi"obably on account of the murder of the late
MacJordan.
The Clan Donogh and Robert Barrett and John O'Hara's sons went
to plunder INIacWilliam's country, and were joined by the Clan Maurice.
MacWilliam and MacFheorais came up with them at Knockoconor,
and killed two of John O'Hara's sons and Maghnus Fionn O'Conor.
Richard MacMaurice's sons were plundered, and one of them was
taken.
Having dealt with this raid and rising, a larger effort was made.
MacWilliam, O'Kelly, MacFheorais, O'Conor Roe, O'Conor Donn, and
Clanricard marched into the Sligo country against Murtough O'Conor
and in behalf of Cathal Og's sons. This was during a peace between
O'Conors Donn and Roe. The first four went through Gallen and
plundered around Ardnarea. Bishop O'Hara was wounded by John
de Exeter's son in an unsuccessful attack made by MacWilliam on
John O'Hara. The bishop died within the year.
The other party attacked Ballymote, where they lost a Clan David
Burke and others, and many horses, in burning the place, but killed
some of their enemies.
The result of this attack in great force, and perhaps also of the
burning of >Sligo by O'Donnell, was that Murtough O'Conor submitted
to O'Conor Donn and gave his son as a hostage, and that O'CMnor
Donn built a fortress at Tobercurry. The object of the exj^edition
was attained, the reduction of the power of Murtough. But the
ari-angement was not permanent.
O'Flaherty has recorded a curious incident under this year, that
William Bourke, a great-grandson of Sir Redmond, attacked Bishop
Barrett at Anachdubhan, and killed his son Richard, and burnt the
whole town. The place is the island called Annagh in the east of
L. Con, which had been a seat of the O'Dowda kings. A Thomas
Barrett was Bishop of Elphin at this time. If we read " Edmond "
THE FIRST MACWILLIAMS. 153
for " Redmond," this William would be the grandson of William
Saxonagh who died at Iniscoe.
Sir Thomas joined with O'Conor Roe in the battle of Kinnitty in
the following year, when the O'Conor Roe forces surprised Mac-
Donogh, who had come to join the O'Conor Donn party. MacDonogh
and his Tanist were killed, with many others. Murtough O'Conor
was much weakened by this affair.
In the two following years Sir Thomas again attacked Murtough,
advancing to Sligo and Carbury in the interests of Cathal Og's sons.
Sir Thomas died in 1401.
The county of Mayo may be said to have acquired definite shape
in Sir Thomas's reign as the lordship of Sir Edmond Albanagh's
descendants, which was neither increased nor diminished until the
lordship was made a county in the middle of the sixteenth cen-
tury. By later arrangements the barony of Ross was transferred to
O'Flaherty, and to the county of Galway, and the Ardnarea Bourke
estate was thrown into the county of Sligo.
The county of Sligo also took shape in this period as the lordship
of the Clan Andrias O'Conor, whom O'Dowdas, O'Haras, O'Garas, and
MacDonoghs acknowledged as chief.
CHAPTER XIX.
TIIJ-: MACWILLIAMS, SONS AND GRANDSONS OF SIR THOMAS
BOURKE 1401 TO 1503.
This period is marked by a greater amount of internal fighting
among the English of Mayo, and by a repetition of quarrels with
Clanricard, for which cause does not appear. It is convenient first
to summarise the principal actions of this period.
The two MacWilliams went into Munster to help the Earl of
Ormond against the Earl of Desmond. Edmond Bourke attacked the
Western O'Haras in 1411, and, apparently by way of retaliation,
Brian O'Conor made a raid through the middle of Mayo. Edmond
was fighting with MacFheorais in 1417, and in 1419 Mac William
and his allies invaded Clanricard, but suffered defeat. Petty internal
quarrels only are noted until Ulick of Clanricard and his Sligo allies
came into Kilmaine in 1430. In 1443 Edmond, then MacWilliam,
procured the submission of Ulick of Clanricard.
In 1446 O'Donnell comes into Roscommon and into Kilmaine.
Henceforth he interferes often and with great effect in Roscommon,
Mayo, and Galway.
In 1449 the sons of Walter and of Edmond were defeated when
invading Clanricard. Richard was defeated in his invasion of
Clanricard in 1467, but O'Donnell came and enforced peace in his
interest.
There was a great deal of fighting between the subordinate lords,
which measures the decadence of the country.
Walter, 1401-1440.
Walter became MacWilliam Bourke in succession to his father,
and acknowledged the superiority of Ulick, ]\lacWilliam of Clanricard.
In the following year, 1402, they went into Munster to help the Earl
of Ormond against the Earl of Desmond.
Edmond Bourke attacked the sons of John O'Hara, the western
O'Haras, in 1411, probably on behalf of his brother, as Brian O'Conor
led a force through Gallen, Clann Cuain, Carra, and Kilmaine, burn-
ing Castlebarry, and Lehinch, and Lough Mask. The Clan Maurice
THE MACWILLTAMS 1401 TO 1503. 155
were with him. Though the Bourkes assembled their adherents and
O'Flaherty, he is said to have got away safely, and to have sent home
the Clan Maurice and obtained a peace without fighting. As Brian's
brother Eogan is said to have plundered O'Conor Roe, this raid seems
to have been an incident in a much wider war.
Richard Barrett went to plunder Coolcarney, and was driven into
the Moy by the people of the country and was drowned. There
seems to have been now, and even earlier, a Barrett family ready to
take arms against the Bourkes. These incidents may have been the
cause of the Bourkes eventually oppressing the Barretts to some
extent. In the following year MacWattin took Henry Barrett pris-
oner in the church of Errew.
In 1417 Edmond Bourke plundered and captured MacFheorais
and carried him off to Lough Mask Castle.
In 1419 Mac William Bourke joined O'Kelly and his Roscommon
allies, with MacDavid on their side on this occasion, in an expedition
into Clanricard. They had two bands of Gallowglasses, one under
Torlogh MacDonnell, which was probably in Mac William's service, and
one under MacDowell, which was probably in O'Conor's. Mac William
secured the help of Teige O'Brien, and had the Gallowglass Donnell
MacSweeny with him. The armies met in battle at Ath Lighen,
somewhere in the south of Clanricard. Marlborough dates it as on
the 28th July. Clanricard won a great victory. MacDowell and his two
sons and all their Gallowglasses were slain. Torlogh MacDonnell
survived, but all his men were slain. O'Kelly and MacDavid, called
William Garbh, were taken prisoners. The result was peace for ten
years between the MacWilliams. It seems to have been made in
1420, as the MacWilliams released prisoners in exchange. Walter
released Cathal O'Conor, whom he held as a pledge for the castle of
Roscommon, and Ulick released O'Kelly. O'Conor Donn was released
by one of them, probably Walter, as O'Conor Donn was a friend of Ulick.
In 1428 MacJordan and John MacCostello made a raid into Tirawley
upon Thomas Barrett and the sons of MacWattin. John Finn MacC.
and Richard Barrett were slain.
In 1430 MacWilliam of Clanricard and his allies are recorded to
have triumphantly invaded Conmaicne Cuile. This seems to have
been an incident in the O'Conor Donn and Roe wars.
There was such a famine in 1433 that it was called the Summer of
Aberration, " for nobody recognised a dear one, or friend then, for
the greatness of the famine" (A.U.). In the following year a great
frost set in five weeks before Christmas and lasted for twelve weeks.
Horses and cattle went on the great lakes, and there was a great
loss of birds.
In 1435 " MacWattin, i.e. Robert Barrett, lord of Tirawley, a
15G THE EAKLY IllSTOMY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
charitable, humane, and truly hospitable man, who protected his patri-
monial teri'itory in despite of the English of Connaught, died " (F.M.).
This entry points to the quarrel of the Bourkes and the Barretts, to
which is attributed the settlement of Richard O'Cuairsci's descendants
in Ti raw ley.
In 1439 O'Conor Donu's son plundered MacCostello Roe.
Walter Bourke died of the plague a week before the festival of the
Holy Cross in autumn. To him, or to his father, is asci'ibed the
foundation of the small Franciscan friary at Annagh on the shore of
Lough Carra. He was succeeded by his brother.
Edmond II. (na Fesoige), 1440-1458.
Edmond seems to have been the leading spirit and the most war-
like of his family, as his name has been already specially mentioned.
In 1443 he gathered his allies to attack the other MacWilliam, who,
being unable to raise sufficient forces, submitted without fighting, and
accepted from Edmond 400 cows and a horse and armour, whereby
he made a real submission according to Gaelic ideas. This was an
act of aggression on Edmond's part, as Ulick Ruadh was then the
senior of the two Mac Williams. But there may have been unrecorded
reasons for hostilities between the two great factions.
A great famine in the spring of 1447 was followed by a great
outbreak of plague.
In 1449 Walter Bourke's sons made a raid as far as Claregalwa}',
where they were met by Ulick Ruadh's forces, aided by O'Conor
Donn's son and his forces, and suffered a serious defeat. Two of
Edmond's sons were slain. Edmond, son of William Bourke, and
Meyler, son of MacSeonin, and Mej-ler's own son were taken
prisoner. They lost fifty-five men killed and taken.
The Barrett and Bourke quarrel went on. Walter, son of Theobald,
son of Edmond Bourke, was killed by Thomas Barrett in 1453.
Edmond na Fesoige (of the Beard) died at the end of 1458.
In his time Henry Reagh O'Kelly, head of the sept called the
Clann an Airchinnigh, settled in Carra. It was probably somewhat
later than this date that the castle of Donamona was built. Henry
was ninth in descent from King IJonnell Mor, who died in 1224.
The clan name came from John, sixth in descent, who was Erenagh
of Tuam. Henry's nephew William is said to have made the Bothar
na Faine (Road of the Fane), in connection with the Togher Patrick
in Drum parish. This name survives in Burnafania townland. The
term " Parson of Donamona," applied in the composition of 1585 to
Shane MacHubberte, seems to be a translation of Airchinnech. The
family spread in Carra and Tirawley and Burrishoole, where it
THE MACWILLIAMS — 1401 TO 1503. 157
appears under the name MacEnerhiny, and other renderings of Mac
an Airchinnigh, in the English records.
The cross near the castle, put up in 1633 by David O'Kelly and
his wife Gate Bourke in memory of his father, Meyler, who died in
1627, whereof only the pedestal remains, must be one of the last of
the kind.
Thomas Og, 1458-1460.
He was Edmond's brother, and was also known as Thomas of Moyne.
The latter description is probably taken from the castle of Moyne,
which may well have been built by him, and which was in the
hereditary estate in Kilmaine assigned to him and his descendants.
He was founder of the Abbey of Moyne in Tirawley. No more is
known about him. He died in 1460, and was succeeded by his
brother.
Richard I., U60-U69.
In 1461 a quarrel in the O'Conor Roe family caused Mac William
to lead his army into Silmurray, where the matter seems to have
been arranged without fighting. But there was unrecorded fighting
about this time in the Co. Sligo. We are told by MacFirbis that
Richard's son William marched against the castle of Muilenn Adam,
which may have been near Knockmullen, in revenge for the loss of
his eye, which the sons of O'lSTeill had put out at that castle some
time before. The sons of O'lSTeill and some MacDonogh forces pursued
him to Ballymote, where he turned on them and killed fifteen, among
them O'Neill's sons and Manus MacDonogh. The petty fighting all
over the country was incessant about this time.
Mac William Bourke attended upon the Earl of Desmond, the new
Lord Deputy of Ireland.
In 1466 he marched into Roscommon and burnt Ballintubber in
support of Felim Finn in a quarrel in the O'Conor Roe family. The
great Connaught parties seem to have taken sides as usual. The
invasion of Clanricard in 1467 may be taken as part of the same
dispute.
Richard and O'Kelly suddenly invaded Clanricard and plundered
about Loughreagh and Tuluban. As they heard that the forces of
the country had been assembled, they began their retreat ; but Ulick
Ruadh and some O'Brien allies came vip with them at Crosmacron, in
the west of Grange parish, and gave them a serious defeat. Mac-
William Bourke"s son, William Gaech, and two sons of O'Kelly were
slain. The constable of MacWilliam's Gallowglasses, Aedh Buidhe,
son of Torlogh, son of Marcus MacDonnell, and his two sons and
158 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
three brothers, and eleven nobles of his party, and 160 Gallowglasses
were also slain. In consequence of this grave defeat, O'Donnell
came down into Connaught on MacWilliam's behalf and forced
Clanricard to make peace. At this time O'iJonnell, Aedh Roe, was
an ally of MacWilliam, This was some return for help given in
1464, when Richard liourke, probably O'Cuairsci, had taken seven
ships to Tirconnell to help O'Donnell.
In 1468 there was some fighting in the neighbourhood as usual,
and Richard led an army into Roscommon to support his ally, and
probably vassal, Felim Finn. But age and illness seem to have
disabled him. He resigned the lordship in 1469, and retired into
the monastery of Burrishoole which he had founded.
The Graxdsoxs of Sir Thomas, 1469-1503.
This period is of much the same character as the preceding.
Incessant petty wars of minor chieftains among themselves and
family quarrels continued. MacWilliam Eighter was sometimes in
alliance with and sometimes fighting against O'Donnell, who on the
whole gained power in Sligo. The MacWilliams were generally at
peace wdth each other. At the close of the century Gerald, the great
Earl of Kildare, as Lord Deputy began to interfere in Roscommon
and Galway.
Richard II., 1469-1479.
Richard I, was succeeded by the son of his brother Edmond. This
Richard is known as Ricard O'Cuairsci (Richard of the Bent or Round
Shield). MacFirbis, in his great " Book of Genealogies," gives him
also the description "of the Ruag Thimchell," and asserts that he con-
quered the Barretts and took from them Iniscoe, Ballycastle, Ard-
narea, and various places in Tirawley. He also attributes to Richard
the carrying off of the Lord of Howth, whom he released on con-
dition that the door of Howth Castle be kept open at dinner-time.
He must have been an able man, for he kept his hereditary lordship
free from invasion, and made head against O'Donnell in Sligo to
some extent.
He signalised the year of his accession by an invasion of Clanricard,
in company with O'Donnell, by way of revenge for Crosmacron.
They advanced to the south of Claregalway, and spent some days in
plundering and wasting the country. In the meanwhile Ulick
Ruadh, MacWilliam Oughter, collected his forces, and in company
with his allies, the sons of O'Brien, came up with the northern
armies as they were retiring. The cavalry of Ulick and of the
O'Briens attacked their rear at Ballinduff. O'Donnell's cavalry
THE MACWILLIAMS 1401 TO 1503. 159
defeated them. The southei'n forces were rallied and continued the
pursuit. The noithein army turned and gave battle at the river
Clanog, and wholly defeated the southerners, who ceased to pursue.
The battle was probably fought near Cloghanower,
This year is marked by the first record of quarrelling among the
Bourkes themselves, in the Annals of Ulster : " Ricard, son of
Thomas de Burgh, was slain by the sons of John de Burgh." It is
most likely that he was a son of Thomas of Moyne, and that his
slayers were the sons of John of Muinter Crechain.
The alliance with O'Donnell was soon broken. In 1470 O'Donnell
made the sons of Owen O' Conor of Sligo submit to him, and in the
following year came to make the chieftains of Sligo submit to his
nominee, Donnell, son of Owen, and operated in Carbury and against
the MacDonoghs. MacWilliam Bourke came to assist Rory, son of
Brian O'Conor. Donnell went into Sligo Castle. MacWilliam laid
siege and broke down the gate-tower, whereupon they made peace.
It seems that MacWilliam came up after O'Donnell had gone home.
In 1472 Richard went to assist Teige Caoch O'Kelly. When the
latter had secured hostages from the country west of the Suck,
Richard suffered a defeat which is described obscurely by the Four
Masters. They seem to mean that a son of MacWalter Burke, the
sons of MacMaurice, the sons of MacJordan, and a son of MacEvilly
and others, twenty-six in all, went off privately by themselves and
were surrounded by the hostile O'Kellys, who captured or killed all
but MacJordan, who fought his way out though wounded.
In 1476 the Sligo quarrel was taken up again. O'Donnell and
MacDonogh came to Cuilcnamha, the extreme eastern part of
Tireragh. MacWilliam and MasDermot came to Coillte Luighne,
cutting O'Donnell off from his own country. O'Donnell lost some
men and horses in crossing the Strand into Carbury, whither
MacWilliam followed him. The armies faced each other for a
while, and then peace was made by cession of O'Dowda's country,
Leyny, and half of Carbury to MacWilliam, and the rest to
O'Donnell. This was, of course, but a temporary arrangement.
In 1478 MacWilliam interfered in a dispute between MacDermot
and his Tanist, and went on to Sligo, where he is said to have left
his son in charge of the castle.
Richard O'Cuairsci was killed by a fall in 1579. He was suc-
ceeded by his cousin Theobald, son of Walter Bourke.
Theobald I., 1479-1503.
The following year was marked by a family quarrel of the
Bourkes. The sons of Richard Bourke defeated Edmond Bourke's
1()0 THE EARLY ITTSTORY OK THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
sons, A MacDowell ami J)avid Mac in Oircliinnigb ai-e said to have
been killed. The latter was pi'obably an U'Kelly of Donamona, and
the quarrel was most likely between the sons of Richard I. and of
Edmond II,
In 1485 there was quarrelling over O'Conor affairs in Roscommon.
It is not clear how Theobald intervened, but a quarrel broke out,
and O'Donnell and Ulick Finn, the new MacWilliam Oughter, were
engaged in it, and O'Donnell carried Felim Finn U'Conor off to
Tirconnell as a hostage. This interference may have been the cause
of the war. O'l^onnell invaded Tirawley. Theobald gave battle, and
seems to have been defeated, as it is recorded that 100 of his
men were slain, and John MacJordan and Ulick, son of Richard
I., and many others were taken prisoner. According to the Annals
of Ulster, it was fought at Ardnarea,
The Bouike and Barrett quarrel was kept up. Richard's son
Edmond was treacherously taken prisoner by the Barretts, but
was rescued, in 1487. This was but an incident in the general
disorder of the time. O'Donnell ravaged Moylurg twice. O'Conor
Donn and MacWilliam Oughter ravaged O'Conor Roe's country.
The O'Kellys fought among themselves. The O'Conors of Sligo
attacked the MacJordans, Theobald's allies and dependants were
all at war, but save for the attack on the MacJordans, it does not
appear that his territories suffered, nor does it appear what he
was doing. It may be inferred that he was successful on the
whole, because O'Donnell made peace with him in the following
year, and his ally, Felim Finn, was made O'Conor Roe and chief
of all the O'Conors of Roscommon, in succession to Donough, by
O'Donnell and MacWilliam and MacDermot in due form.
The plague was very bad in 1489, and a famine followed in 1493.
In 1494 Richard O'Cuairsci's son William was killed while helping
O'Donnell, now an ally, to besiege Sligo Castle in the interest of
Rory O'Conor, who had become chief when his sons killed Donnell
in a night attack on Bunfinne Castle on 14th March.
In 1497 Richard O'Cuairsci's son Walter went with ships to
Ulster to help Conn O'Donnell, in whose favour his father Aedh
Ruadh had resigned the chieftainship, against his brother Aedh.
Aedh met the fleet, and "took the greater part of their arms and
their apparel and their stores from them " (A.U.), But Aedh was
himself immediately afterwards taken by Conn, and sent into Con-
naught in charge of Walter ; Conn himself was killed by Henry
O'Neill on the 19th October, Aedh therefore was released on the
7th November, and Walter went with him to Ulster. Aedh refused
to take up the chieftainship, and his father resumed it. There was
a great famine in this year.
THE MACWILLIAMS — 1401 TO 1503. IGl
Eicliard O'Cuair.sci's son Richard Og and Cormac O'Higgin were
killed by Clann Fheorais on the Wednesday after Whitsuntide in
U99.
The Earl of Kildare, who was now Lord Deputy, had interfered
in Ulster affairs in the year before by acting against O'Neill. He
now intervened in Connaught. He took the castle of Athleague
from William O'Kelly's sons, and drove them to the west of the
Suck, in favour of Conor O'Kelly. He took up the cause of Hugh
O'Conor Donn against O'Conor Roe. O'Oonor Roe had for some
time been able to keep the position of chief of the O'Conors of
Roscommon. The Lord Deputy now took the castles of Roscommon
and Castlereagh and Tulsk, in which were the hostages of O'Conor
Roe, handed over to O'Conor Donn the castles and hostages of the
O'Conor Roe sept, and went away leaving O'Conor Donn as chief.
As soon as he left, MacDermot and the Silmurray turned on O'Conor
Donn and drove him across the Shannon. MacWilliam Bourke
now intervened. The annalists tell their story in a concise and
far from clear manner, but on consideration of the facts it appears
that Theobald did not come to set up O'Conor Donn again, but
to undo the Lord Deputy's work and re-establish his friend O'Conor
Roe, Aedh, son of Aedh, as chief of his own sept and as superior
of O'Conor Donn. MacDermot and O'Conor Roe were always of
his party. There was also at this time a split in the family of
O'Conor Roe. He took Tulsk Castle from the branch of the family
put in possession in the interest of O'Conor Donn, and handed it
over with the hostages of O'Conor Roe's sept to O'Conor Roe, and
put him in possession of his castles. He made peace between
MacDei-mot and O'Conor Donn. He also restored the castle of
Athleague to William O'Kelly's sons. In it he captured Conor
O'Kelly, the second lord of Hy Many, whom he handed over to
his own ally, Melaghlin O'Kelly, who thus became sole O'Kelly.
This seems to have been the last war of his life. He died on the
5th March 1503 at a great aee.
CHAPTER XX.
FROM 1503 TO 1550.
This period is marked as a whole by freedom from invasion and
plundering by outside enemies on a lai'ge scale. The silence of the
Annals agrees with the general course of events. On the other
hand, we may feel equally sure that a considerable amount of border
warfare and of internal fighting has been ignored.
It is marked also by less interference in external affau-s by
MacWilliam Bourke, which is perhaps the cause of freedom from
invasion.
As he left his neighbours to settle their own quarrels, no one
wanted to interfere with him. His imme<liate neighbours on the
east and north were too weak. O'Donnell continued his interference
in Sligo, and strengthened his influence. Mac William's abstention
was in his interest. At a later time the marriage of his daughter
to Oliverus Bourke accounts for his giving the Bourkes help in
Tirawley. The occasions when he came into collision with Mac-
William did not lead to prolonged warfare. The Bourkes had
considerable power over the parts of Tireragh which lie along the
3Ioy. The castle of Enniscrone could not be held against them.
But they themselves occupied only the castle of Ardnarea and the
lands attached thereto.
O'Donnell's power in Connaught was increased by constant raids
on O'Conors, O'Haras, and MacDermots.
During the first few years the other MacWilliam was much
weakened by the effects of the battle of Knocktoe. Later on the
power of the king's Government began to be felt in South Con-
naught. The grant of the Earldom of Clanricard, and the disjiutes
which arose in consequence of the determination of the Government
to secure for the young Earl the succession to the rights of the
MacWilliamship, claimed by Sir William Burke, prevented the
Burkes of Clanricard from acting as a body in external affairs
until the young Earl came of age and took up without further
contest the position of MacWilliam Oughter.
The Bourkes came to blows amongst themselves, killing or
murdering each othei', but without persistent warfare or wasting
of each other's estates. A certain amount of fighting between the
FROM 1503 TO 1550. 163
minor lords and their neighbours, especially between MacCostellos
and MacDermots, is recorded in the Annals.
I have closed this period with the year 1550 because the Earl
of Clanricard, Richard Saxonagh, was put in possession of his estates
and became a power in Connaught on the side of the Government.
The Reformation was not yet felt much in Connaught. The
Government was able to make Bodkin Archbishop of Tuam, and
to make some minor appointments. The dissolution of the monas-
teries was carried out to some extent. The estates wei-e surren-
dered in case of some of the richer houses, and in at least one
case let on lease to the abbot for life. In other cases grants were
made to laymen. It is evident that the great lords regarded the
religious houses with indifference. They were glad enough to take
gi-ants of lands. The monks were let live in their houses, which
were useless to laymen, who must live in defensible castles if rich
enough to occupy large dwellings. Their lands in Mayo seem to
have been left in possession of the monks. Owing to loss of records,
it is not easy to see what actually occurred at this early period.
It may be said that there was no real and apparent change for a
good many years. It is likely that many of the early grants to
local lords were taken in the interest of the monks who remained
undisturbed, but would have to pay rent if the grantee should be
obliged to pay any to the Government. This would not occur until
much later days, when the newly formed counties were subjected
to an effective administration of the law. For many years the
Government of Ireland had only influence over the lords, no con-
tinuous local control. It seems to have been contented where
really powerless, as here, to leave things alone until the legal rights
could be enforced without difficulty.
Edmond III., 1503-1513.
Theobald was succeeded by Edmond, son of Richard O'Cuairsci. In
this year occurred the events which led directly to the battle of
Knockdoe. Ulick of Clanricard demolished three of O'Kelly's castles
and defeated O'Kelly in the battle^ of Bel Atha na nGarbhan, in
which O'Kelly had the help of MacWilliam Bourke's forces under
Walter Bourke, a grandson of Thomas of Moyne, described as a
distinguished captain, who was slain. Many of the Gallowglasses of
Clan Donnell and Clan Sweeny were slain around their constables.
O'Kelly applied to the Loi-d Deputy for help, who came next year
with great forces. Lord Kildare had some English barons of the
Pale with him, but the fight was really between the English and
Irish of North Connaught aided by some great Ulster lords and the
1G4 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Lord Deputy on one sitle, and MacWilliam of Claniicaid and the
Irish of Thoniond and Ormond and Ara and Ely on the other side.
No doubt it was the Lord Deputy's power and influence that brought
down such great forces from Ulster as made the northern side
irresistible in battle. Where the allies met does not appear. The two
armies engaged on the 19th September 1504 at Knockdoe — according
to local ti'adition, between the top of the hill and the townland of
Turloughmore. Musket balls and a cannon ball are said to have
been found on the hillside.
Both sides fought with determination, until the southern was
completely defeated, with very great loss on both sides. Ware puts
the Olanricard losses at 2000 men. The Four Masters and Annals
of Ulster give the survivors as one broken battalion out of nine.
The Lord Deputy is said to have taken Ulick's two sons and two
daughtei's prisoners. The daughters would not be taken in battle,
so it is probable that they, and perhaps the sons, were afterwards
given uj) as hostages. The defeat was decisive. The victors went
next day to Galway, and afterwards took possession of Athenry.
The result enhanced the power of MacWilliam Bourke and of his
ally, O'Conor Roe, as against their rivals, MacWilliam of Clanricard
and O'Conor Donn. Peace was kept between the MacWilliams for
many years.
" John, the son of Richard Bui'ke, was treacherously slain by the
sons of Uliek Burke in the monastery of Toberpatrick " (F.M.).
John is the son of Richard I. The Ulick meant cannot be identified.
This murder survives in tradition, but under other names. John and
Ulick are long forgotten. It was lately told that Tibot na Long,
coming fi'om Castlebourke, was met by his brother-in-law, who had
come from Sligo, and was murdered near the abbey.
In 1512 O'Donnell and Edmond came into collision. The cause
is not clear, but we may infer it to have been due to O'Donnell's
interference in the part of Tireragh over which the Bourkes claimed
rights. The story is told thus in the Annals of Ulster : " O'Domnaill
proceeds from Derry [with] a few horsemen and takes the castle
of Bel-in-clair ^ in the counti'y of Galenga, and leaves warders in it
and goes back into Tir-Fiachrach. MacWilliam musters and goes
towards the town, and, on that being learned by O'Domnaill, he
attacks the town again, and MacWilliam abandons the town to him
and goes to put provision and warders into the castle of Escir-
abhann^ in Tir-Fiachrach. On that being learned by O'Domnaill,
O'Domnaill pursues him across Sliabh Gamh. On this being notified
to MacWilliam, he leaves his son and other warders in the town and
goes forward himself to Ard-na-riag. O'Domnaill catches sight of
^ Aclare in Levnv. ^ Enniscrone.
FROM 1503 TO 1550. 165
him, and he is pursued, and they come between Mac William and the
ford. And MacWilliam by swimming escapes [despite them] from
it [with] a few, and the [escaped] part of his people is followed
beyond [the river] Muaidh and many horses and much armour
were Avrested from them, and they went themselves in plight of
defeat. O'Domnaill sits under the castle of Escir-abhann, and takes
the place at end of four days, and breaks it down straightway,
and takes the son of MacWilliam [namely, Ulick] and the other
warders and comes safe to his house." The Four Masters add that
MacWilliam followed O'Donnell to Donegal and gave him all his
demands.
It is evident that there was little more than skirmishing. O'Donnell
was weak, and MacWilliam had but a handful of men. He man-
oeuvred to provision and strengthen Enniscrone. Having done that,
he was caught on his way to Ardnarea, and Enniscrone Castle fell
before he could collect forces to relieve it. O'Donnell was not strong
enough to hold the castle, and hurried away with his hostage in
order to secure a ransom, which MacWilliam had to pay to save his
son's life.
Edmond was treacherously murdered on the 23rd February 1513,
in the monastery of Rathfran, by Theobald Reagh and Edmond
Oiocai'ach, sons of his brother Walter. His brother John suc-
ceeded him.
John I., 1513-1514.
John was murdered treacherovisly by his kinsmen in the year after
his accession. The murderers are not named, but we may guess at
his brother's murderers.
In this year O'Donnell made a small raid into Gallen as far as
Croghan Gaileng, and killed O'Ruadhain and others.
Meyler L, 1514-1520.
No events affecting Mayo are recorded during his reign. He was
on friendly terms with O'Donnell, and his neighbours were too weak
to attack him.
He was killed on the 28th April 1520, treacherously, by the sons
of Seonin Mor, son of MacSeonin.
Edmond IV., 1520-1527.
This Edmond was a son of Ulick, son of Edmond II.
In 1521 a war broke out between O'Donnell and O'Neill. O'Neill
got help from the Earl of Kildare, who gave him his Gallowglasses,
166 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
and from some of the English of Meatli, and from the Mac-Donnells.
O'Neill arranged an alliance with the two Mac^Villiams, MacDermot,
O'Conors Roe and Donn, O'Brien, O'Kennedy, and O'Carroll, who
agreed to meet him in Tirhugh about the 15th August. They reached
Sligo on the Friday before and stopped to take the castle. O'Neill
was encamped at Knockavoe in Ilaphoe. O'Donnell, having far
inferior forces, made a night attack on O'Neill's camp with picked
men, and cut O'Neill's army to pieces. He marched at once to
Carrownamaddoo near Grange in Carbury. The Connaught lords heard
of O'Neill's defeat at the time of his arrival and resolved to make
peace. They sent Teige O'Brien to O'Donnell's camp, but broke up
their own and marched away with such haste that their envoy, after
agreeing with O'Donnell, did not come up with them until they
reached the Curlews. Teige agreed with O'Donnell that the differences
between O'Donnell and the MacWilliams should be referred to the
arbitration of Manus O'Donnell and O'Carroll. This retreat without
fighting raised O'Donnell's reputation very high. Next year he made
peace with O'Neill.
In 1526 O'Donnell was obliged to come down to Sligo in force
against the O'Conors and MacDonoghs, and took the opportunity of
helping the Tirawley Bourkes against the Barretts, whereof the only
record is in the Annals of Loch C6 : " O'Donnell then marched his
army into Tirawley, where he took the castles of Caerthanan and
Cros Maoiliona, in wliich he found hostages and many spoils ; he
then threw down and totally demolished these castles, so that they
were no longer habitable. He afterwards established peace, amity,
and concord between the descendants of Richard Burke and the
Barretts so that they were friendly towards one another."
In the following year O'Donnell brought a large army into Moy-
lurg, where he destroyed three castles. "They afterwards proceeded
to Castlemore-Costello for the purpose of taking it. This was an
impregnable fortress, for it contained provisions and every kind of
engines, the best to be found at that time in Ireland, for resisting
enemies, such as cannon and all sorts of weapons. These chieftains
nevertheless proceeded to besiege the castle ; and they placed their
army in order all around it, so that they did not permit any person
to pass from it or towards it, till at last they took it." (F.M.) This
means that the garrison was starved out. The attack on the castle
seems to have been due to the alliance of MacCostello with some
of the MacDermots, not to a quarrel with the Bourkes.
Edmond lY. died on the 30th October 1527. He was succeeded
by John.
FROM 1503 TO 1550. 167
John II., 1527-15—; Ulick II., 15 1534.
He is known as John of the Termon. The Termon of Balla has been
supposed to have given him the name, but I think he is as likely to
have taken it from the Termon in the barony of Kilmaine in which
his family was chief. The Termon is the name of a townland in
Strafford's Survey, wliich lay close to Ballyglass. It does not appear
how long he reigned. No events are recorded as having occurred in
his time. The succession of the Lower MacWilliams is very obscure
for some years. I give the names which I find.
In the year 1530 O'Donnell is said to have plundered Gallen in
the middle of the summer, and to have made an expedition against
MacWilliam in harvest, when he plundered some of his country.
Then they made peace.
In 1532 the O'Dowdas took the castle of Ardnarea from John
Bourke's son, but Thomas Bourke's sons recovered it the following
year. Hence an Irish proverb arose in that country — " Like the
expectation of O'Dowda to regain Ardnarea" (H.F., p. 308).
Ulick died on the 27th October 1534.
Theobald II., 1534-1537.
Theobald's accession is not recorded, and I assume him to have
succeeded Ulick. In his time the O'Dowdas, with help of O'Conor
Sligo and MacDonoghs, made a raid into Tirawley against the
Bourkes at the instigation of Bishop Bai'rett, and carried off cattle
which had been driven into the Termon of Errew for protection. It
seems to have been but a petty raid in the course of the local quarrel
of Bourkes and O'Dowdas, probably one of many on both sides, the
one which by chance has been recorded. This was in 1536, the
year in which Teige Og O'Conor assumed the title " O'Conor "
instead of " MacDonnell Mic Murtough." He made an attack on
MacCostello also, who came out of his castle and surrendered to
O'Conor MacFheorais's coat of mail as a hostage, which he afterwards
redeemed. This coat must have had some very great value as a
trophy of an unrecorded victory over MacFheorais.
O'Conor's pretensions brought O'Donnell down on him. O'Donnell
came into Tireragh and plundered it. A party of horsemen, 160
to 180, was sent across the Moy in pursuit of O'Dowda's cattle,
which it captured, together with O'Dowda's wife, a daughter of
Walter Bourke, They took the opportunity of helping John Bourke's
family against Bishop Barrett.
Theobald died in 1537. It does not appear who succeeded him. A
1G8 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
war ensued respecting his property. I cannot ascertain the name of
any MacWilliam from this until Oliverus appears as MacWilliam in
1558.
From 15.37 to 1550.
The English power was now making itself felt again in Connaught.
In 1538 the Lord Deputy, Lord Leonard Gray, made a tour in
Munster, when he received the submission of Tibbot Burke, the
MacWilliam of Clan William in Munster, and of other lords. Ulick
na gCeann of Clanricard met him there and submitted. The Lord
Deputy came into (Jlanricard, and on the 10th July took the castle
of Claregalway from Richard Og Burke, who had done much harm to
the town of Oalway, and made it over to Ulick, whom he calls a great
friend of the town. On the 11th July he went to Galway and re-
ceived the submission of O'Flaherty, O'Madden, and Thomas Mac-
Yoris. He left Galway on the 19th. He took the castles of Derry
Maclaghney and Lackagh from Richard Og's sons and made them
over to Ulick. When he was on the border of O'Kelly's country on
the 21st, O'Conor Roe came and submitted. The Lower MacWilliam
is not recorded to have submitted, but it is said that the Lord Deputy
was preparing to march against him.
It was made a charge against Lord Leonard Gray that he displaced
Richard Og from the MacWilliamship of Clanricard and put Ulick na
gCeann in his place. There had been much quarrelling since 1536,
and it is by no means certain that any one was fully established as
MacWilliam. Richard Bacagh and Ulick, son of the Richard Og who
died in 1519, were then set up, and Ulick na gCeann had then
supported the former. But the Richard Og displaced by Gray is
described by Darcy as an vmcle of Ulick. ^
The result of this tour was a distinct advance of the royal power.
Several of these lords entered into indentures to pay rent and supply
forces.
At a Parliament held in 1541 Lord Athenry was the only Con-
naught lord present ; but Ulick of Clanricard, and other Irish lords
not yet of Parliament, attended.
In 1543 the two Mac Williams and the three O'Conors and Mac-
Dermot attended the Council of Ireland. A result of this general
submission was that MacWilliam of Clanricard, O'Brien, and O'Neill
surrendered their Irish titles and agreed to hold their territories
from the king. They were made Earls of Clanricard, Thomond, and
Tyrone. The two Connaught earls were henceforth generally strong
supporters of the king's authority, on which they relied for the in-
heritance of their estates according to English law.
» Carew MSS. I.
FROM 1503 TO 1550. 1G9
It does not appear why the Lower Mac William was left out of this
arrangement. He was more powerful than Ulick. Either he would
not make the necessary surrender, or, as probably, the existing lord
was not so firmly in possession as to be able to risk a change in his
position.
In 1545 according to the Annals of Loch Oe, or in 1549 according
to O'Flaherty, Walter Fada, son of David Bourke, who was then or
later Mac William, was murdered in the castle of Inveran in Moy-
cullen, to the west of Galway, by Donnell O'Flaherty, at the insti-
gation of his sister Finola, wife of David Bourke, in order to secure
the succession to the MacWilliamship for her own son Ilichai'd an
larainn.
In 1548 O'Conor Donn and the MacDermots, with some Gallow-
glasses of the MacSweenys and MacDowells, invaded Olann Maurice
and killed Richard MacMaurice, " the young Abbot." They took
Castlekeel, and probably also Castlemacgarrett, and killed between
100 and 200 people, and carried off 900 or 1000 cows and 10 horses.
CHAPTER XXI.
FKOM 1550 TO 1568.
The beginning of this period coincides with the direct assumption
of Government duties in Connaught, though to a very small extent.
Sir Thomas Cusack, the Chancellor of Ireland, was left for a time at
Athlone as the representative of the Lord Deputy, and was employed
in collecting information which led afterwards to the formation of
counties. In a letter of the 8th May 1553 on the state of Ireland,
he writes that when the Earl of Clanricard came of age a war broke
out between the Earl and Ulick Burke, and that he with a small
force reduced them to peace in a fortnight, and that " MacWilliam
Bourke, second captain of most power in Connaught, is of honest
conformity, and doth hinder none of the King's Majesty's subjects,
and is ready to join with the Earl of Clanricard, and every other
captain, to serve the King's Majesty in every place in Connaught" —
and that these two, with a captain and a few men at Galway or
Athenry, will be able to rule all Connaught.
All Connaught seems to have been now under tribute, or at least
under agreement to pay something. Though I do not find positive
record of it for each chief lord, yet the incidental references to certain
cases justify the belief that the statement is true. Thus I find no
evidence of a specific agreement between MacWilliam Bourke and
the Lord Deputy, but I do find a Fiant, undated, of the year 1553,
for a pardon to Edmund de Burgo of Caslanevarre — that is, Castlebar
— and all his servants. Such a pardon is inconceivable in the circum-
stances of twenty years earlier, but agrees with the existing condi-
tions of gradual extension of royal power, which seems to have been
on the whole welcome to the great loi'ds, though they were unable
to keep the peace entirely, because of want of control over their
principal subjects and the more powerful branches of their own
families. Unfortunately the king's power was not always present
in irresistible force, and was allowed occasionally to disappear
altogether.
The Annals give but few notes of Mayo affairs at this time, pro-
bably because of peace, as they record little else than fightilig and
deaths. In 1553 the sons of Thomas Bacagh Bourke and the people
of Gallen defeated Ilicard an larainn, took him prisoner, and killed
FROM 1550 TO 15G8. 171
150 of his men. In 1555 Edmond Boy, son of Thomas Bacagh, was
killed by Oliver Bourke's sons.
When peace was made in 1553, on the submission of Leix and
Ofifaly, Lord Clanricard was at Athlone with 100 horsemen, 200
Gallowglasses, 100 shots, 200 kerne, and six weeks' provisions. The
war with O'Neill was in progress. The Bourkes seem to have moved
in alliance with O'Neill, for Lord Clanricard wrote that he heard
that Shane MacOliverus was advancing into the plains of Con-
naught with a large body of Scots, that he went to meet them, and
encountered them late on the second day's march in the Curlews,
where he overthrew them, killing many of the Scots and of Bourke's
men. This may have been only a private adventure of John Bourke,
as MacWilliam is not mentioned in connection with the affair.
In 1558 a somewhat similar incident occurred, in which David
Bourke, who was then MacWilliam, must have been concerned, as
his own son took a leading part. In the late summer 1200 Scots
under Donnell and Dowell MacAillin, cousins of the Earl of Argyle,
who are said by the Four Masters to have served long in Tirconnell,
were induced by Ricard an larainn to come to Connaught. They
plundered especially MacMaurice and Lord Athenry, adherents of
Clanricard. Lord Clanricard met them after two days' march and
defeated them on the third day, 8th September, at Cloonee, killing
the two MacAillins and about 700 Scots. He pursued them for four
days, so that few escaped. This Cloonee must have been somewhere
on the borders of Mayo and Galway.
At the close of this year David Bourke died. He was succeeded
by Richard, son of John of the Termon.
RicHAKD III., 1558-1570.
The king's power made another step in advance in 1558, when the
castle of Roscommon was given up by O'Conor Donn. But it was
not occupied for the king until 1569.
Sir Henry Sidney being Lord Deputy in 1566, and fearing that
O'Neill would intrigue with the Connaught lords, " sent for the Earl
of Clanricard and MacWilliam Lighter, upon whose Factions all the
intestine Wars in Connaught hath grown," and brought them to agree-
ment for settlement of their dispvites, and to promise support against
O'Neill. He says that though he was assured that MacWilliam had
never before repaired to any governor, yet he found him very
well disposed and faithful to his engagement, although the Earl of
Thomond had invaded his country and had wounded two of his
brothers during his absence.
The Council Book, under the 13th August, 156G, shows that there was
172 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
also a meeting for a general pacification and settlement of disputes
between the Earl and MacWilliam and Donogh Rengh O'Kelly and
Walter, son of John Boiuke, and Lord Bermingham of Athenry,
and between Walter Bourke and James Bermingham of the sept of
Thomas Bermingham. The principal points in dispute are shown. in
the following sununary.
1. i\Jac William Eighter made his humble submission to the queen,
and agreement to abide by the decision of the Council.
2. The Council ordered the parties to keep the peace towards each
other and towards Morogh ne Doe O'Flaherty, O'Conor Roe, Mac-
Costello, MacJordan, O'Kellv.
3. Mac William complained that O'Conor JJonn had seized and
imprisoned O'Conor Roe at a time when peace had been concluded
between !MacWilliam and the Earl of Clanricard at Loughreagh,
before William Tirrell, envoy of the Lord Deputy, O'Conor Roe being
under MacWilliam's peace. The Earl denied it. Order was made
for inquii-y. If the complaint is true the Earl must prosecute O'Conor
Donn for O'Conor Roe's liberty.
4. A dispute regarding Garbally between Donogh Reagh O'Kelly
and the Earl.
5. MacWilliam claimed Moyne as his hereditary right and in his
territory. The Earl replied that his father Ulick held it — it came to
himself as heir. Ordered that the castle be surrendered to the deputy
pending trial.
6. Since Thomas Bourke, son of MacWilliam, Thomas MacRichard
Boye MacJohn, Meiler MacRichard MacJohn, and Edmund Mac-
Richard Boye ]MacJohn are held by the Earl for certain debts due
under their composition, they are to be made over to the Council,
to be made over to the custody of the Constable of Athlone, to be
released by order of Council.
7. " And whereas Cahir MacDonyll MacConyll ^ was taken in flight
by Edmund the Earl's brother, and released on bail, and John
MacRichard MacMeilor escaped from prison, as the Earl alleges,
we order that the fine or ransom be paid to the Earl if we or our
commissioner see fit, and that the escaped prisoner, if he be shown
to have come within MacWilliam's government, be by MacWilliam
made over to the said Constable as is prescribed about the others."
8. Lord Birmingham of Athenry complained that Walter, son of
John Bourke, withheld the castle of Dunmore from him. Walter
denied and said it belonged to other Birminghams. Arrangement
was made for trial.
Other disputes between the Earl and ]^LacWilliam were to be
settled hereafter by the Council.
1 MacDomnaill.
FROM 1550 TO 1568. 173
Commissionei'S wei-e appointed.
The parties were bound in =£2000 to abide by this agreement.
The nature of the quarrels of the great lords is shown here. Such
quarrels can be settled only by war unless both parties are vei^y
anxious for a peaceful arrangement. Some of them are such as the
parties could not easily be brought to refer to arbitration. In Con-
naught there was no one who could be called in as an arbitrator.
Ever since the disappearance of the courts of the chief lord of Con-
naught and of the king after 1333, such disputes must have been
a constant cause of war, and explain many things.
Though this dispute regarding Moyne seems to have been settled
as between the Earl and Mac William, another survived between the
Earl and Walter FitzJohn, which was not decided until November
1571. The castle belonged to the Earl in 1.585, so he may be assumed
to have won all through. It does not appear who this Walter
FitzJohn Bourke was. John of the Termon's son, Walter Cluas le
Doinin, was killed at the battle of Shrule. He may be a descendant
of Thomas Og of Moyne.
The position of Richard Boy MacJohn in the genealogy is not
determined.
In connection with this dispute, and in illustration of the arrange-
ments made from time to time among the Connaught Bourkes, a
recital of claim which appears in an inquisition of the 4th April 1609,
taken regarding titles to lands in Mayo, is of some interest. It
recites that Eraght Thomas consisted of eighteen towns of four
quarters, divided between five brothers, whereof two conveyed their
shares to the first Earl of Clanricard, who entered into the castle
of Moyne and four quarters and all the territory except a mill and
four acres at Moyne ; that David MacEdmund MacUlick, being Mac-
William Eighter, granted the Earl a rent charge of 9s. on 440 quarters ;
that Ptichard, the second earl, entered into possession of Eraght
Thomas, and, by purchase, of castle of Moycharra and of the castle
of Carha in Moyntercreighan. Many rents are recited as granted
by MacJonyns, MacMeylers, MacGibbons, and others, and are said
to have been paid to the second earl's sergeant, who went round with
MacWilliam's sergeant for two years until Richard, son of John of
the Termon, went into rebellion and prevented payment to the Earl.
It is very likely that this claim was truly based on some old trans-
action, whereby David paid for help. But if the Earl ever had any
claim on Eraght Thomas, there is no evidence of the fact. It is not
improbable that two of the brothers did enter into some such bargain
to secure help in a family quarrel. But whether they had any sale-
able interest is another question.
This appearance of the de Burgo lords was a great advance towards
174 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
the restoration of government. Sidney came to (4ahvay in the follow-
ing spring. He deplores the miseiable condition of the country,
having but one-twentieth of the population needed to inhabit it.
He describes the Clanricard country as quiet and well tilled. He
left the country by Athenry and Athlone, seeing only a part of the
south. As the inhabitants were never within the memory of man in
worse case, so, he says, they were never in more forwardness for
reformation.
Having procured submission of the chief lords and made peace
between those of English descent. Sir Henry now undertook to pro-
vide for the direct government of Connaught by the appointment of
Commissioners to act in the place of the Lord Deputy during his
absence from Connaught. Hitherto the Lord Deputy procured a
show of submission by his appearance in the country at the head of a
considei'able force, but when he went to Dublin the old state of things
arose. But these appearances of the royal avithority accustomed the
lords to its recognition as more than an empty form, and Sidney
rightly judged that a delegate with a moderate force at his command
would be able to exercise a good deal of power, and would have a
sufficient amount of support from those lords who really desired to
enjoy peace and quiet.
CHAPTER XXII.
FROM THE FORMATION OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO TO
THE DEATH OF SIR N. MALBIE.
Sir Edward Fitton was appointed Governor of Connaught in July
1569, with the title of President of the Council, which consisted of a
Justice, an Attorney, a Provost-Marshal, and several men of rank
belonging to the province. The sheriflfs of counties seem to have
been usually on it. The normal constitution does not appear. It
probably varied from time to time. All the chief provincial officers
were on it, besides officers in command of companies of soldiers at
times.
The President's powers were great. In important matters he was
required to get the consent of one of his assistants, but he had a
large measure of independence, as in the control of the military forces,
which vested in him alone. He exercised the powers of the Lord
Deputy to a great extent when the Lord Deputy was not present in
person. The distribution of authoi'ity between President and Council
is not defined in the records. It is inferred from remarks. The
business as a rule was carried on by the provincial officers, as the
sheriflfs and unofficial members were usually absent from the head-
quarters.
The President was afterwards called Chief Commissioner and
Governor.
The sheriflfs at first were authorised to use martial law in deal-
ing with disturbances, but when Sir R. Bingham became Governor
the power was reserved to the Governor. The sheriflfs were the
Governor's lieutenants within their counties.
Sir Henry Sidney made a journey into Connaught to establish the
President and Council in office. He took up the castle of Roscom-
mon, and placed a garrison in it under Sir Thomas Le Strange as
Constable.
The first duty of these Commissioners, as they were also called,
was to lay down definite boundaries of counties in Thomond and
Connaught, excepting Brefne O'Reilly and Annaly. They laid out
the counties of Clare or Thomond, Galway, Mayo, Roscommon, and
Sligo, formed by grouping territories of chieftains. The county of
Mayo as then laid down was not altered except by transfer of the
17(i THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
barony of Ross to Galway, and later by the transfer of Ardnarea to
Sligo, and a little south of the river Lung to Roscommon.
Edmund FitzAlexander is the first sheriff of Mayo whose name
appears, and probably was the first. But it does not appear who
he was.
The first difficulty of the Government was the custom of cessing
officers and soldiers on the country. The Government hated it, but
could not do without it. The queen had no revenue from Connaught.
Sir Edward writes on the 20th February 1570: "The army must be
kept here and must be cessed, so that it is as hard for subjects as for
rebels."
" Shane Bourke MacOliverus, who now standeth to be MacWilliam
Ewter, being exclaimed upon to his face by a poor widow of his
country being undone by his rebelliovis practices in maintaining the
Scots, he fell in a stud}', and after some pause, said openly : ' I am in
a miserable case. If we stand out altogether and maintain Scots for
our own defence, I see the destruction of the country. Again, if I
shall take upon me the name of MacWilliam, I shall be driven for
maintenance thereof to spoil it myself. And if we shall submit
ourselves to the English nation, they will be as burthensome as
MacWilliam or Scots.' "
Again, on 20th May 1571 : "The cess is very heavy, but soldiers
must be kept, as they are always wanted on a sudden. If the queen's
victualler would furnish supplies for soldiers in every province, the
service would be no worse and the people would be less oppressed,
and, as men of experience think, their good will might be soon
obtained. Yet they will not for a time really consent to abandon old
customs, but must be kept in fear." ^
As a revenue was raised by degrees by tributes or rents imposed
on the chieftains, the cess must have become less and less, used only
on occasion, and thus return was given for payments, until at last the
whole province was brought to agree to the annual rents needed as a
substitute for the cess. But this took time.
Lord Thomond's rebellion in February 1570 forced Fitton to retire
into Galway and ask for help. The course of events is obscure, but
Fitton remained there for some time, and the Lower Bourkes rose
in rebellion. They did not submit when Lord Thomond fled. Fitton
marched against them in June, and began by laying siege to the
castle of Shrule. With him were Lord Clanricard and others of
Galway, about five hundred Gallowglasses of Clan Donnell of Leinster,
of Clan Sweeny, and of Clan Dowell, some artillei-y, three hundred
cavalry, and some English foot bands. Feragh MacDonnell of
Clooneen and Richard Barrett of Kyrennan were with him. The
1 i-.I'./.E., XXXI. (i, XXXI. 89.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 177
latter probably joined him rather fioin hate of the Tirawley Bourkes
than from love of the queen and her government.
MacAVilliam assembled his forces, in which were the sons of Oliverus,
Sleight Meyler Bourke, the Clan Donnells, and some O'Flahertys.
Though Sir Morogh is mentioned, he is not likely to have been with
them, as he had been set up by the queen as O'Flaherty in 1569.
The lawful O'Flaherty or another may have been mistaken for him.
MacWilliam's brother, \^^alter Cluas le Doinin, " Ear to Storm," was
the principal commander of the Bourkes.
The English and Irish accounts of the battle agree substantially.
On the 21st June the Bourkes occupied a hill near the English
camp, and formed themselves into compact bodies for the assault,
dismounting their cavalry.
Fitton drew vip his men with the Gallowglasses in one body, and
the cavalry in reserve.
The charge of the Bourkes was received with a volley of shot, which
did not stop them. In the close fighting Sir Edward Fitton and
Captain Bassenet were unhorsed and wounded. Patrick Cusack and
Calvagh MacDonnell, constable of the queen's Gallowglasses, those of
Leinster, and others were slain. The Bourkes were driven back by
the English companies, but the Gallowglasses, except one hundred of
Clan Sweeny, broke and fled, pursued by the Bourkes for about two
miles. Fitton's cavalry and some infantry fell on the rear of the
Bourkes, whose commanders stopped the pursuit and faced the English;
they did not attack again, but diew off their forces.
Fitton lost about twelve Englishmen and forty Irish. The Boui^kes
lost about three hundred, including Walter Bourke, Randall, son of
MacDonnell Gallowglass, two constables of the Clan Donnell of
Scotland, and two sons of John Erenagh, O'Kelly of Donamona."
Owing to want of powder Fitton could not pursue the Bourkes into
their country, whereby they were encouraged, instead of being
depressed by defeat, for they had in fact saved their country from
invasion. He was not molested again, took the castle, and put the
garrison to the sword. A guard of ten horsemen was left in it under
Alexander, a Gallowglass, but Lord Clanricard soon undertook to
guard the castle at his own expense. This affair relieved the pressure
on Fitton's forces, which had been so great that Captain Collyer and
others sent to help him had been reported to be little better than
besieged in Galway.
MacWilliam soon submitted and made peace. An undated Fiant
grants pardons to him and to his sons Richard Og and Thomas Roe
and others, including three O'Flahertys, on payment of fines of ,£3
each ; and another gives pardons to Walter and William Bourke
MacShane of Cloghans and to Walter's son Meiler and to Edmond
M
178 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
MacThomas an Machaire ou payment of fines of £1 each, for whom
Edmund FitzAlexander, the sheriff of the county, was security.
Edmond Bourke of Castlebar had a pardon in December. All had to
give security within six months for keeping the peace and attending
sessions.
This rebellion was wound up by an agreement of the Lower
Bourkes to pay a yearly rent of 200 marks to the queen.
Richard Bourke died at the end of the year. When he became
MacWilliam he was an independent prince, owning but a nominal
subordination and submission to the queen, whose laws were not
enforced in his territories. Before he died the English law was intro-
duced with his consent, and was administered to a small extent by
the queen's representative independently of him. The queen's power
afterwards fluctuated, occasionally disappeared, but on the whole
grew steadily.
Now follows a period of transition from the local sovereignty of
the chief lords to that of the queen and the establishment of her
government as the source of law and the maintainer of order. As
regards Mayo, it may be described as a period of unrest, but generally
peaceful. It was known that the government intended to make
great changes, and, as it became known that those changes might
involve changes in ownership of lands and ignoring of existing
tenures, the minds of all landowners must have been affected by
grave suspicions, creating a readiness to join in any enterprise that
might relieve them of this danger. Most of the chief lords seem to
have desired the introduction of a strong government capable of
steady administration, but many of less importance, their subjects,
resented any change. The chiefs could not control those who chose
to join in a rebellion on their own account. They could only abstain
and keej) back those who chose to act with them, who were the
majority in most cases. The forces at the disposal of the governor
of Connaught were not enough to enable him always to act at once
and crush out the beginning of rebellion. The rebels made war by
plundering those who did not join them. MacWilliam and other
lords therefore acted upon a sound judgment of the interests of the
mass of their subjects in joining rebels who made head, whereby they
saved their territories from injury. When the governor came in
force they could submit immediately, and gain paidons at the cost of
small sums, far less than the losses which would have been incurred
in holding out against the rebels and suffering the destruction which
would have been caused by the rebels before forces were collected to
<lrive them out of the country, losses which would not have been
made good to them afterwards. The sympathies of many of their
subjects, if not their own, would be with the rebels.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 179
Moreover, the uncertainty regarding the succession of the seigniories
was another cause of unrest. The government was natui-ally anxious
to secure a friendly successor. The Tanist did not feel sure that he
would be allowed to succeed without interference. The country had
seen the queen set up Murrough ne Doe O'Flaherty as chief of
lar-Connaught against the lawful chief, ])onnell Crone O'Flaherty,
in 1569.
Through all this the government was making way. Mayo was
fully organised as a county, and a separate sheriff was established.
Seigniories were surrendered, and taken back from the Crown. The
chief gentlemen were induced to enter into agreements called com-
positions, under which they consented to pay a fixed rent based on
the acreage of cultivated land to mitigate the weight of cess, which
was a necessity, until a revenue should be provided. As Fitton says,
it was intolerable, but soldiers could not be maintained without it.
It was a custom of the country, but no longer suitable.
John II., 1571-1580.
About the 8th February 1571, John, known as Shane MacOliverus,
was made MacWilliam. It was reported then that he was engaging
Scots. It was a natural course to maintain his succession and the
position of his subjects and allies in view of the action which Fitton
soon reported, and which had probably become well known. On the
9th March Fitton wrote that they had indicted all the gentlemen of
Eighter Connaught and all their freeholders, and O'Conor Donn and
MacDermot, and expressed a hope to have half Connaught at the
queen's disposal in Easter term. This design was brought to naught
by the rebellion, which was probably in some measure due to it.
In May the Lower Bourkes agreed to pay 200 marks yearly as a
fine for their late great rebellion.
Operations in Roscommon occupied Fitton during the summer.
MacWilliam and bis people held aloof, but his sons invaded Galway
at the end of September, and were hunted out by the sheriff, who
pursued them to a ford beyond Shrule, and killed five or six score.
Fitton went into South Mayo, and was there for five days, at the
end of October and beginning of September. He had his own band.
Captain Collier's band of foot, and Malbie's horse, and was accom-
panied by Lords Clanricard and Thomond. One castle was defended,
but being taken and the ward of twelve men being slain, the wards
of the other castles abandoned them and the Bourkes themselves fled
from the country. Fitton therefore laid it waste over an extent of
about sixteen miles long and as many or more broad, destroying
180 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
about c£500 worth of corn. Kineteen towns and ciistles are said to
have been taken, whereof a list is given. Those which are known
for certain are given in modern spelling — Ballinrobe, Ballenemask,
JNIanegerrelough, Cloonagashel, Robeen, Bellanalube, Cregduff, Balla-
kinoshine, Cloghan (warded by the Earl of Clanricard), Killernan
(warded by John Boui-ke), Downerage, The Neale, Donka, Athard,
Liskillen, Cloghan-Erle (warded by the Earl of Clanricard), Ballene-
kinie, Kilnanardra.^ The list is very roughly written. Manegerre-
lough seems to be Rathnegarlogy or llanegarlogy, name of land held
by Bourke of Cloghan in seventeenth century, which was in a
bally called Cloongawnagh. It may be a name of the castle of
Garrymore or Carras ; it was certainly thereabouts. Fitton then gave
out that he would go home, and sent away all but his English forces.
With these he made a forced mai-ch into the country of the Mac-
Dermots, whom he handled sevei'ely.
This scourging bi'ought about a submission. The indictments were
abandoned. Lord Clanricard and his sons, Ulick and John, and
]\Iac\\'illiam, and the gentlemen of Clare and Galway and Mayo,
attended a sessions at Galway in March 1572.
Unfortunately suspicions arose in the minds of the earl's sons,
who fled from the town, summoned their adherents, and went into
rebellion. Fitton carried Lord Clanricard away to Dublin. He was
not able to take the field until May. He reached Galway on the
10th, where he hanged four pledges of the rebels. On the 14th he
attacked the castle of Clare Galway, which he describes as the castle
of those who betrayed Shane MacOliverus. He lost four men and a
mason killed, but the garrison surrendered and the castle was seized
on the 17th. The garrison, sixteen men, besides women and children,
were put to the sword except one. He sent to Shane MacOliverus
the head of his betrayer, and arranged payment of his ransom. The
inference to be drawn from this is that the occupiers of the castle
had joined in seizing John when he was going home after the sessions,
and held him until he paid a ransom.
At this time Fitton expected that the Lower Boui'kes would not
go against him. The expectation was no doubt just. But Fitton
was too weak to prosecute the rebels under the earl's sons, who
destroyed all Connaught that did not join them. The earl's sons
therefore obtained MacWilliam's adhesion in June, and they and
MacWilliam and Justin MacDonnell went to Munster to help James
FitzMauiice in his rebellion. The lord deputy made a hosting, and
drove them out of Munster.
In the autumn Lord Clanricard was released to act against his
sons, who begged for mercy on 9th November. MacWilliam also
1 S.P.I.E., vol. XXXIV. No. 15.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 181
desired to submit. In the middle of December the rebel forces dis-
persed. The earl's sons and their adherents had attained their chief
object, their own safety and his release, and immunity from punish-
ment for themselves and their adherents. John had saved his
country, which was left in peace until 1576.
This peace was utilised to further the county organisation. The
results are embodied in a paper called the Division of Connaught
and Thomond, dated 27th March 1574. i It is said to have been
made partly by the president and council of Connaught, where they
had travelled, and partly by Sir Thomas Cusack and other com-
missioners. It embodies the results of the rough surveys which had
been made from time to time. As might be expected, the county of
Galway is dealt with in most detail. The part relating to Mayo is
less full, and the description of the county of Sligo is a mere sketch
of territories. It is but a development of the division of 1570.
Thomond became the county of Clare. Galway was much as it is,
save that it included Ballymoe in Roscommon as part of MacDavid's
lands, and Moycarn as part of Clanmacnowen, and did not include
the barony of Ross. Roscommon was as it is, less Ballymoe and
Moycarn. Mayo comprised the territories which were under Mac-
William Eighter. The county of Sligo comprised the present
county and the O'Rourk territory, the present county of Leitrim ;
but Ardnarea estate was in Mayo.
The following extract shows how the baronies of the Co. Mayo
were now formed. The spelling is modernised, or put in Irish form
as far as possible.
"The County of Mayo — containing Eighter Connaught and such
other countries as are under MacWilliam Eighter, and are divided
into baronies to be named as foUoweth, but the same county is not yet
divided into ploughlands, by reason whereof the parishes could not
be put in order of the baronies, but are written by themselves.
" Baronies : Crossboyne, containing MacMaurice's country ;
" Kilmaine, containing Conmacnecuile and lochtar Thire, in which
William Burke Fitzjohn, Edmond Burke MacThomas Yaghery, and
the clan Jonyns are chief ;
" Ross, containing the Joyes', the Walshes', and Partriches' lands,
MacThomas and MacTybod chief ;
"Murrisk, containing Owle Imale and the lands,- viz., Inishturk and
Inishark, Cliara and Aukilles,^ O'Malley chief ;
" Burris, containing Owle Clan Philipin, Owle Eighter, and Sliocht
MacTybbot's lands, Richard an larainn chief ;
" Invermore, containing Erris and Dundonnell, MacWattin chief;
1 Lambeth Library, Carew MSS. voL 611, f. 234.
2 Islands!?). ^ Clare Island and Achill.
18:2 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
" Moyne, containing TiruAvley and the Cusucks' country, John
MacOliverus, otherwise Mac William, and MacWattin, called Baron
Barrett, chief ;
" Burriscarra, containing C'lancuan, Carra and ^Nluinter Crechain,
MacWilliam Burke, and MacPhilipin, chief ;
" Bellalahen, containing Gallenga, MacJordan, otherwise Baron
Dexeter, chief ;
" Bellahaunis, containing Clan Costello, MacCostello, otherwise
Baron Nangle, chief."
The barony of Iloss was treated as part of lar-Connaught in the
composition, as in the lordship of O'Flaherty, to whom the castle and
lands of Ross had been given as an eric. The " Historia et Genealogia
Familije de Burgo " omits it from the territories owing allegiance and
tribute to MacWilliam. The arrangement was made before 1570,
but the barony was considered to be in MacWilliam's country, held
under him by O'Flaherty. The Partry portion was still earlier
transferred to Carra.
Sir H. Sidney came again as lord deputy at the end of 1575, to
endeavour to induce the lords to receive sheriffs and to surrender
their Irish tenures and take back their lands by the queen's patent,
to descend by hereditary succession according to English law. This
object was attained in Connaught by degrees.
A letter ^ of Sir E. Fitton shows the state of Connaught at this
time, and explains the willingness of the country to accept Sir H.
Sidney's proposals, which gave a hope of peace and ease : —
" I may (after the common manner of Ireland) say it is quiet,
because we hear of no professed rebellion against the State ; but if
universal oppression of the mean folk by the great ; if murders,
robberies and burning make an ill Commonweal, if extorting of
Government into subjects hands by violent plaguing of such as be
both willing and of ability to live vipon themselves without seeking to
any but Her Majesty and the Laws ; to conclude, if contempt and not
performance of all orders sent either by the Lord Deputy or us Com-
missioners there, and if ill, or not answering at all of any revenue due
to Her Majesty be proofs of disobedience : then I cannot say Con-
naught is in good case. But leaving both the time and manner of
amendment to God and Her Majesty, I cease to trouble your Lordship
any further therewith, omitting to say anything at all of God or good
life. Only the Kellys yet stick as well as they may, and as Kicodemus
came to Christ by night, so do those Kellys which dwell by west the
Suck, most of them come to us as privily as they can, for fear both of
displeasure and trapping by the way. But those between Suck and
Shannon, neighbours to Athlone, are in meetly good case, and the
1 S.PJ.E., XL. 11 ; uth Jau. 1575.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 183
better for that some part of the Garrison hath lien at Athlone good
part of the Summer, which hath both feared them from doing so much
ill as they would, and also preserved them from others : which two
points, till both they and others taste of at full, as they (God wot)
feel yet but a little, obedience can in no reason be looked for."
Sidney came to Galway in March 1576, and left on the 22nd for
Athlone. Though he was not long in Connaught, he had prepared
the Connaught lords by sending Thomas Jones, afterwards Bishop
of Meath, to sound them regarding his proposals while he was in
Munster.
Sidney's account of the state of things in Connaught makes
intelligible the readiness of the chieftains to accept a supremacy
which promised them peace. Unfortunately the Pi'ovincial Govern-
ment was not made strong enough to hunt down and hang rebels at
once. The country was ruined by petty rebellions of men like Lord
Clanricard's sons, who could rob, burn, and destroy until additional
forces were collected. In extremity they got pardons on terms of bare
submission. The rebellions were never general, and were suppressed
very much with the help of the local gentry as soon as a force came
into Connaught strong enough to enable them to act. The Governors
of Connaught always had willing assistance. But the leaders of the
mischief were not punished. Sidney hanged many malefactors at
Galway on this occasion, but later on the great rebels, whose execution
would have quieted the counti-y and protected honest men, were gently
dealt with.
As regards Mayo chiefs, his own words,^ in modern spelling, are as
follows : —
"Out of the county of Mayo, came to me to Galway, first seven
principal men of the Clandonnells, for every of their several Lineages
one, of that surname, and inhabiting that County, all, by profession,
mercenary Soldiers, by the name of Galloglas ; they are very strong,
and much of the wealth of the country is under them ; they are able
to go where they will, and with the Countenance of any mean Lord
of Force, to make war with the Greatest. These humbly submitted
themselves, and their several Lineages to her Majesty, protesting, by
oath, and binding themselves by Indenture and Hostage, never to
serve any, but with Allowance of the Governor. Troth it is, I was
informed by Divers Advertisements, that MacWilliam Ewghter would
not come to me ; and therefore I drew this Plot, that I won his chief
Force from him, in getting these Clandonnells : But it fell out other-
wise in the End, for MacWilliam very willingly came himself ; and
much the rather, by the good Persuasions, and Means of the Dean of
Christchurch, one of this council, whom I sent into Connaught, when
1 Carew MSS. II., No. P.8 of 1576; S.P.I.E., LV. 34, 27th April 157ti.
184 THE KARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
I went into ]Munster, only to sound the Disposition of the Potentates,
and great ones of that Province ; and therein lie did good service, and
surely so he is well able, both for his own skill, and the credit that
others repose in him ; if it please your Lordships to bestow a thankful
letter upon him, it will be very comfortable to the old ]\Ian, which I
humbly beseech your Lordships to do. I found M;icWilliam very
sensible, though wanting the English tongue, yet understanding the
Latin ; a lover of Quiet and Civility, desirous to hold his Lands of the
Queen, and suppress Irish Extortion, and to expulse the Scots, who
swarm in those quarters, and indeed have almost suppressed them ; in
some Proof whereof he tarried with me, most of the Time I remained
at Galway, and thence went with me to Athlone, and departed not till
I went from thence, when very reverently, by Oath, he shewed his
fealty, and did his Homage, as Humbly binding himself, as well by
Oath or Indenture, ever hereafter to hold his Lands of her Majesty,
and her Crown, and to pay yearly two hundred and fifty Marks
Sterling, and to find two hundred Soldiei-s, Horsemen and Footmen,
for two Months by the Year ; and to give them Food in that Propor-
tion, as I trust, in Time, shall suifice both for their Meat and Wages.
In one of his Petitions exhibited unto me, he humbly besought
(doubting that I would have taken away the Bonnaught from the
Clandonnells, which they have of him and his counti'y) that they
might (withdrawing it from him) hold it of the Queen. This Device
was underhand practised by me, and they, very glad of this Overture
made by him, humbly desired to hold it of her Majesty, and so, by
Indenture passed between the Galloglas and the Queen, they presently
do. This, my Lords, is an entrance of no small Consequence, both for
the reducing of the Country to her Majesty's Obedience, and no small
Increase may be made besides to her Commodity, and the Augmenta-
tion of her Pvevenue. He received his Country at my Hands, by Way
of Seneschalship, which he thankfully accepted. The Order of
Knighthood I bestowed upon him, whereof he seemed very joyous,
and some other little Trifles I gave him, as tokens between him and
me, wherewith very well satisfied, he departed. This is all I thought
necessary to write of MacWilliam, saving that he was desirous I
should send thither an English sheriff, as I have likewise done in all the
other Counties within that Province, which, of late, hath been omitted :
MacWilliam pi-otested he would obey him I sent, and give him Find-
ing for a sufficient Strength of Men on Horseback and Foot ; which I
accomplished according to his Desire, and sent one with him. Surely,
my Lords, he is well won, for he is a great man ; his Land lieth along
the West North West Coast of this Realm, wherein he hath many
goodly Havens, and is a Lord in Territory of tluee times so much
Land as the Earl of Clanricarde is.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 185
"He brought with him all his Brethren, MacPhillippiii, who in
Surname is a Bourke, as he is ; and, besides them, a great Number of
Owners of Lands and Castles, lying in the same counti-y : Omaylle
came likewise with him, who is an original Irish Man, strong in
galleys and Seamen ; he earnestly sued to hold of the Queen, and to
pay her Rent and Service. At that instant were also with me
MacPhaten, of English surname, Bai-rett ; Maclvyle, of English sur-
name, Staunton ; MacJordan, of the like Dexter, MacCustelo of the
like Nangle, MacMorris, of English surname, Prendergast ; and
these V show Matter of some Record and Credit, that they have not
only been English, which every man confesseth, but also Lords and
Barons in Parliament, as they themselves affirm ; and surely they
have Lands sufficient for Barons, if they might wield their own
quietly ; but so bare, barbarous Barons are they now, as they V have
not three Hackneys to carry them and their Train Home. There
were with me many more of lower Degree, and no deeper of Wealth,
as the Chiefs of Cianandros, and MacThomyn ; both they, and many
more Barretts, Cusackes, Lynches (Lynots?), and of sundry English
surnames, now degenerate, and all lamenting their Devastation, and
with one Consent crying for Justice and English Government, in so
miserable (and yet magnanimous) Manner, as it would make an
English Heart to feel Compassion with them ; and thus for the County
of Mayo."
The lords and gentlemen of Galway and Roscommon are described
as showing a like desire for the introduction of government amongst
them.
Soon after this Sir John was made seneschal of his nation and of
his tenants and followers, and of his and their lands in Connaught,
with authority to call the inhabitants to arms and to preserve the
peace and to administer justice ; for life during good behaviour.
This was followed by the appointment of minor and subject lords to
be seneschals of their own lands, as Moyler Burke of Cloghans to be
seneschal of the barony of Kilmaine, O'Malley to be seneschal of the
barony of Oulymaley, Thomas Keaghe Burke to be seneschal of his
country called Moyntercreghan. Thus it was, I suppose, thought to
accustom them to the idea of dependence on the Crown.
The earl's sons wei'e taken to Dublin and released on parole not to
cross the Shannon. At the end of June they broke their parole, went
into Connaught and raised a rebellion. At the end of July Nicholas
Malbie was sent from England to take charge of Connaught. On the
13th August Sidney reported that 2000 Scots had joined them and
were wasting Connaught. MacWilliam stood by his engagements.
The rebels under Ulick Burke therefore invaded his country, laid it
waste and took his castles. But he continued to do his best against
186 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
them, though his own gallowghxsses turned against him and spoiled
his counti y.
Sidney came to Connaught. On the 21st September he left Galway
and marched by Shrule to Castlebar, which was already besieged by a
force which he had sent in advance. The castle was held by the sons
of Edmund Bourke. Their mother came to get terms for her sons,
which Sidney refused. But he allowed her to speak with them.
They escaped in the dark. Meanwhile MacWilliam had surprised the
Scots, who had collected their plunder in a place five or six miles
away. They ran away and left their prey. Mac\Villiam then joined
Sidney, who put him in possession of Castlebar, to be kept for the
queen's use, and of other castles of which he had been dispossessed.
Sidney intended to go on to Sligo, but the Moy was in flood, and he
had no boats and his soldiers were tired. Moreover O'Conor and his
Clandonnells came thence with the rest of that country, and the Scots
had fled, abandoning Ulick Burke, who joined his brother in Galway.
So Sidney returned to Dublin, leaving Sir N. Malbie in charge of
Connaught, with the title of Colonel and Chief Commissioner, with
certain forces and the castles of Athlone and Roscommon as garrisons.
According to a deposition made before Malbie by Richard Og
Bourke, son of Richard, son of John of the Termon, Lord Clanricard
had sent him to engage 10,000 Scots, if possible, for this rebellion.
The earl was sent to London. His sons surrendered in March 1577,
escaping punishment.
In his narrative, written in 1583, Sidney writes that when he
reached Galway on this occasion, " There came to me also a most
famous feminine sea captain called Grany Imallye, and offered her
■service unto me, wheresoever I would command her, with thi-ee
galleys and 200 fighting men, either in Ireland or Scotland ; she
brought with her her husband, for she was as well by sea as by land
more than Mrs. Mate with him ; he was of the Xether Burkes, and
now as I hear Mack William Enter, and called by nickname Richard
in Iron. This was a notorious woman in all the coasts of Ireland."
She went to the south in the following year. When the Lord Justice
Drury went into Munster in November 1578, he wrote that when he
was at Leighlin, " To that place was brought unto me Granie ny
Maille, a woman of the province of Connaught, governing a country
of the O'Flaharteys', famous for her stoutness of courage and person,
and for sundry exploits done by her by sea. She was taken by the
Earl of Desmond a year and a half ago, and has remained ever since
partly with him and partly in Her Majesty's gaol of Limerick, and
was sent for now by me to come to Dublin, where she is yet re-
maining." ^ It does not appear what she had done, but in July 1578
1 Cal. Carew MSS. II., 1.578, Xo. 109.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 187
she was called a notorious offender. This is her first appearance in
history.
MacWilliam joined Malbie in an expedition in 1577, in which
Bundrowes was taken from O'Donnell and given to O'Oonor Sligo.
O'Donnell invaded Sligo and killed the sheriff, Richard, son of Tibbot
Boy MacSeonin.
In 1578 Meiler, son of Walter, son of John of the Termon, Sheriff
of Mayo, was killed in a night attack on the Neale Castle by his
cousin Edinond, son of Thomas an Machaire, in consequence of a
quarrel the day before.
The queen's instructions to Sir N. Malbie in March 1579 for his
government of Connaught desire him to persuade, if he can, but not
to constrain, the people of each county to build a walled town as a
safe and suitable place for keeping the assizes and sessions, and
authorised the issue of a charter of incorporation with the liberties
usually granted in such cases elsewhere. A draft in Walsingham's
hand contains clauses, omitted finally, showing an intention to grant
to Sir John Bourke an earldom for life, and to his son and his heirs a
barony with estates, according to English law, of so much as was
their own.
In July 1579 Malbie reported Connaught to be in a good state.
MacWilliam attended sessions at Galway, thereby showing loyalty and
a disposition to support the administration of the law. He sent his
son William to be brought up under Walsingham at the Queen's
Court, with a letter from INIalbie, who described William as Sir John's
only legitimate son.
Sir James FitzMaurice landed at Smerwick on the 18th July, and
wrote to Justin MacDonnell and to Randall MacColla MacDonnell,
asking them to come with as many gallowglasses as they can get.
In August Connaught supplied 600 English and Irish well furnished,
and had 1000 more ready to come with MacWilliam. Even in
September Malbie was able to report that none in Connaught would
promise anything to Sir James. When the Earl of Desmond re-
belled he also sought help, but got none except from Richard an
larainn, whose rising made Malbie return from Munster. His
relation of his proceedings is here abstracted, or given in inverted
commas, as it is one of the very few detailed accounts v/e have
of the work of suppressing a petty rising. Richard had very
little help except from the weak clans of the mountainy country
and the Clandonnells.
The Earl of Desmond sought to raise up trouble in Connaught, and
he and Dr. Sandars wrote to MacWilliam and to Lord Clanricard's
sons, to Richard an larainn, next in authority to IMacWilliam, to
Clandonnells and MacSwynes, urging them to join the rebellion for
188 THE EARLY H [STORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
sake of church and country. None wouUl join, ami some even sent
Malbie the letters, except Richard an larainn, who trusted to the
strength of his remote country in the north-west " environed with
woods, bogs, and mountains, where (to any man's memoiy) no English
Governor hath been at any time, and encouraged the (Jlandonnells
to give the English occupation. These Clandonnells were accounted
always an invincible people, and the most strongest sept of Galloglas
in Ireland, and the only men of force in Connaught, Richard In
Yeren, having thus won the Clandonnells, joined unto him also the
O'Mayles, Clangibbons, Ulick Bourke's sept, and certain of the
O'Flaherties, whereby he thought himself very strong."
Richard failed to hire Scots from the Isles, but got 100 bows from
Ulster. He took his forces first into O'Kelly's and Lord Athenry's
countries, and then with 1000 men plundered Moylurg. Malbie,
having returned from Munster, arranged with O'Conor Sligo and
O'Rourk that they should prevent Scots from landing or coming from
Ulster, and should turn them out of their countries. He did not call
up the rising out, but relied on the two bands of foot who were in the
province, and on 100 horsemen and 400 foot, English of the Pale and
others who had served before, who were to have their pay and expenses
from the countries of the rebels. After a delay of three weeks, caused
by his being called to Dublin, he started from Athlone on the 6th
February 1580, and went to Athenry, whence he sent on the captains
of his forces to take Richard's plunder before his arrival. The Arch-
bishop of Tuam and Lord Athenry met him at Shrule on the 11th,
and accompanied him the rest of the way. On the 12th he marched
to Liskillen, where Thomas Roe Bourke and Justin MacDonnell, two
of Richard's chief confederates, came without protection and sub-
mitted. On the same day a party of his men entered MacDonnell's
country, and brought two hundred cows to camp.
"The 13th I moved from Liskillen to MacDonnell's castle called
Clooneen ; I caused the castle to be sapped by masons which I
brought for that purpose, and, the castle being ready to be over-
thrown, MacDonnell's friends entreated that he might be received
to favour, and at their request I was content to speak with him, after
which conference the said MacDonnell delivered one of his sons to
my hands as a pledge for his good behaviour and observation of the
peace for himself and his sept, and for satisfying all former hurts and
spoils by him and his men committed upon all or any of Her Majesty's
subjects, and to restore unto them by my order, all such goods and
cattle as they took from them, whereby all the galloglass of the Clan-
donnells were plucked from Richard an larainn. After this conclusion
I rested the next day, being the 14th February, at MacDonnell's
castle.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 189
"The 15th I removed to the fields near Ballintvibber, where
Mac William and his men, with the chief gentlemen of the country,
came to me and joined their forces with my company.
" This day the forces which I have entertained took the strong
castle of Donamona from Shane McHubert, called Parson of the same,
chief counsellor to Richard an lai-ainn, and put the ward, both men,
women, and children, to the sword, wherevipon all the other castles in
the enemy's country were given up without any resistance.
"The 16th I removed to Ballyknock, whither Grainne ni Maille
and certain of her kinsmen came to me.
"The l7th I removed to Burrishoole, an abbey standing very
pleasant upon a river side, within three miles from the sea, where a
ship of five hundred tons may lie at anchor at low water. It hath
a goodly and large lough on the upper part of the i-iver, full of great
timber, grey marble, and many other commodities of all -sides, not
without great store of good ground, both arable land and pasture.
Specially it hath a very plentiful iron mine and abundance of wood
every way. Towards the sea coast there lieth many fair islands, rich
and plentiful of all commodities ; there cometh hither every year likely
about fifty English ships for fishing ; they have been before this time
compelled to pay a great tribute to the O'Malleys, which I have
forbidden hereafter till Her Majesty's pleasure be known. It is
accounted one of the best fishing places in Ireland for salmon, herring,
and all kinds of sea fish.
" Richard an larainn, considering that the Clandonnells forsook
him, and that he was narrowly persecuted by me and my companions
on all parts of the country', not being able to keep the field nor make
any other resistance, abandoned the country, and fled into the islands
with his Scots and some gentlemen of his retinue.
" This day I took order that the abbey of Burrishoole aforesaid
should be fortified and strengthened, and that all the castles of the
country standing upon straits, should be warded and kept for Her
Majesty, and that a captain with one hundred men should lie in
garrison at BuiTishoole Abbey, and all this to be done without any
charge to Her Majesty. MacWilliam also, and his brother Richard
MacOliverus Bourke and the chief gentlemen of the country, having
considered the great benefit and commodity which might grow to the
whole country if a walled town were built and erected at Burris, made
humble request unto me to be a mean for them to Her Majesty for
the building of a town there, as by their petition exhibited unto me
doth appear, and MacWilliam not only promised that his country
should contribute to the same, but also made gift to Her Highness
of seventeen quarters of land joining to it. I promised to move the
matter, and would take no knowledge upon me that I had any order
190 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
for it before from Her Majesty, because I would have it come of
themselves.
"The 18th llichard an larainn sent unto me to receive him to
favour, and that he would \n\t in his pledge and abide my order in
all things, whereupon I appointed the Baron of Athenry to go and
speak with him, who found him very reasonable, and both sorry for
what he hath done, and willing to make the best amends he could,
so as upon his report I was content he should come and speak with
me, but the wind blew so great as in six days he could not come out
of the islands, during which time he sustained great misery by hunger
and cold, whereby one hundred of his people were dead and starved
within the islands.
" This day the force which I entertained took a great prey out of the
Owles from the O'Malleys and Clangibbons, whereupon they came to
me immediately and submitted themselves. The 19th I sent a number
of men to the isles of Achill for boats to set upon the islands, but the
tempest was so great as they could do nothing.
"And for that Ilichard an larainn's chief confederates forsook him,
and were at my commandment, and that he himself was to come to
me, I thought good to return home, leaving a sufficient force in the
country to withstand all attempts. I left oider with the captain of
Burris to take and receive Richard's pledge in my absence, being
provoked the rather to return, for that the Lord Justice commanded
me to . . . met him there [Limerick] about the beginning of March.
" And so leaving the country in meetly good quiet, and having
thoroughly suppressed the said rebellion, I departed Burrishoole the
20th of February and came homeward. This day the storm and
tempest was so great, and the snow fallen in such abundance, as
scarce any soldier could travel, the vehemence whereof drew swine,
sheep, lambs, and other small cattle from the woods to the camp for
succour against the weather, which greatly refreshed us, being in
some want of victuals a day or two before." ^
Malbie reached Galway on the 2-l:th, rested two days, and sent by
sea provision for the garrison of Burris. On the 18th March, being
at Quin on his return from Limerick, he I'eceived from the captain of
Burris Richard's letter of submission and a report that Richard and
his chief confederates had given their best pledges. This affair was
at an end as far as Mayo was concerned.
In June Malbie reported that MacCostello had given Mr. Theobald
Dillon Castlemore and a great portion of land, with the consent of
his clan, as a free gift to induce him to settle among them, and on
account of the ancient common descent of the Dillons and MacCos-
tellos. The real object was to secure the help of an Englisliman, who
1 S.P.I.E., vol. LXXH., No. 39.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 191
would V)iing others in and strengthen the clan. Though Dillon by
degrees acquired more land until he got a great part of the barony
into his hands, they did, I think, gain strength by his presence and
his followers.
MacWilliam had now made up his mind to go to England to do his
duty to the queen. But he never went.
When O'Rourk rebelled at the end of August, Walter Fada's sons
joined O'Conor Roe and some O'lvellys in an attack on MacDavid's
country, which was repelled. Otherwise the Mayo men kept the
peace.
Sir John Bourke died at the end of November. He seems to have
deserved the character given by the " Four Masters " — " A munificent
and very affluent man, who preferred peace to the most successful
war, and who always sided with the sovereign," save that he did not
always, but nearly always, side with the sovereign.
Richard an larainn was Tanist, but Sir John's brother Richard
disputed the succession, as he had formerly disputed the Tanistship.
The former took up arms, and engaged Scots and made preparations
to defend his rights against the queen if necessai-y. Matters came
to a head in February, when Malbie arranged to deal with the affair.
A long report from Sir N. Malbie gives the particulars of the expedi-
tion. As a good account of such an expedition, and the dealings
with the chieftains, and the operations of war, the following abstract,
with parts in full, is given.
The Earl of Clanricard's sons confederated with Richard an
lai-ainn. John Bui-ke arranged the Hill of Doonlaur, three miles
from Shrule, as a general meeting -place for all the allies, on
the 1st March. Malbie set out from Athlone, and encamped one
mile from Doonlaur on the appointed day, occupying certain fords to
keep the earl's sons from joining. Richard and his forces were six
miles off. Scouts sent to ascertain the site of Richard's camp were
seen by Richard's men. I now continue the abstract in the first
person, as Malbie wrote.
" Richard's Scots thought he and the Clandonnells had betrayed them
to me as I had come so near unknown to them. They retired to a
fastness in Clanmorris. The Clandonnells and Richard's men thought
the earl's sons had betrayed them. They all scattered to shift their
cattle and goods away from me.
" The 2nd March I went forward to camp in Richard's country to
spoil it. By the way Richard Og, son of late MacWilliam, came to
me to beg me to spare Richai-d's country until Richard should come
to me, and asked a safe-conduct in writing for Richard, which I gave.
Next morning Richard Og came again, saying Richard Inyren re-
quired to have Captain Brabazon sent to him as a pledge for his safe
192 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
return. I told him I would first see Richard hanged before I would
do that dishonour to Her Majesty, and that if he did once utter any
word again in any such matter, he should have no peace at my hands,
but all extremity with fire and sword, and that also if he did not
assure me before that night of his coming to me, I would begin the
next morning with the town ^ I then lay in, which was Marcus Mac-
Ynabbe's town, Chief of the Clandonnells. He departed in haste,
and that evening returned to me bringing with him Feris ^ Mac-
Donnell, chief son to the late MacDonnell, who declared unto me that
Mac^Villiam had sent them to assure me that he would come to me in
the morning and would submit himself to my pleasure. I told them
there was no Mac William, nor none should be but through Her
Majesty's assignment and authority, and if they had anything to say
from Richard Inyren I was ready to give them audience.
" They renounced that title, and proceeded in Richard's name.
They asked that Captain Brabazon and some other gentlemen of the
camp be sent to conduct Richard to the camp, for fear of the soldiers,
which I did. He came in great fear. 1 reassured him, and required
the causes of his raising war, levying forces, and paying Scots. He
answered that, when MacWilliam died and the Lordship of right
descended to him, sundry friends, and especially the earl's sons,
infoi'med him that I intended to set vip his enemy Richard Mac-
Oliverus. I told him he should have ascertained my intentions before
making war, and that I was no enemy to him, but my duty was to
uphold every man in his right, &c.
" He said he really had hoped for mercy, and intended to submit.
I said he must deserve it by service to Her Majesty. He said he
would do anything in his power. I said, expel the Scots. He asked
my help, which I promised.
" He sent to ascertain their camp, which was in a fastness under a
high mountain.-^ Kext morning I sent on about one hundred horse-
men to discover their camp, and followed with the foot and Captain
Brabazon's horsemen. The Scots skirmished with the horse until I
came up, and then fled to the woods. We killed nine or ten.
"Richard Inyren's son joined us from a lake in the neighbourhood.
He was given some men, who drove the Scots through the wood as
there were six miles of plain on the other side. I and the rest
pa.ssed over the high mountains.'* When the Scots were passing the
plain we kept them in sight, but lost ground, having to go round bogs
which they crossed. At last we came up with them at the Moy, where
1 Probably Moelle Castle at Hollymount House, occupied by Marcus in 1574.
2 Feragh (?).
* Prol)ably on the west side of Slieve Carna.
* Either ylieve Carna or Knockspellagadaun.
I
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 193
they had sent over a foid, up to the chin, their baggage and half
their men of war. I was first up by goodness of my horse, and with
twenty men charged them, but by their shot and arrows they beat us
back, and got over the ford and over a piece of hard ground an
arrowshot wide, to a great bog which they sought as their pUice of
safety.
" As they left the river we entered the ford, and they came back
and we retired, and they fired some ai"rows and shot. And then,
espying Mac William, they railed upon him and danced up and down,
which was the thing I desired to continvie until the loose footmen
might come in. This occurred twice. Then they seemed to under-
stand what I meant, and made off into the bog and thence to the
great wood before my foot came up. They abandoned many sculls
and bows, which my men picked up in following them.
" The Scots thereafter marched clean out of the province. They
were about 600 men — 180 horsemen, 180 targets, 100 long swords, the
rest were darts, shot, and gallowglass axes, all as well appointed men
as ever I saw for their faculty.
" I retired myself to the Abbey of Strade, which was about two
miles. Here abundant supplies of food came in from the country.
" Next morning, I not expecting it, Richard Inyren himself came
to me, and fell on his knees, most humbly beseeching the queen's
pardon, and presenting his submission and petition in writing. I
lectured him well on his duty, vSaid the queen desired to give mei*cy
to penitents, and told him to rise MacWilliam, declaring the queen
sought only to maintain them in their rights, &c,
" I wrote to Richard MacOliverus to come, who came on the 7th
without protection or any word from me, for he is a very honest
gentleman.
" The two Richards began quarrelling at once. Richard Mac-
Oliverus called Richard Inyren a traitor. Richard Inyren said
Richard MacOliverus lied. I ordered them both to be silent. They
then argued their causes fairly. After dinner I saw Richard Mac-
Oliverus alone, who produced a letter of Sir H. Sidney promising him
support, but it contained the clause Quousque. I explained to him
that the right lay with MacWilliam, and must be supported by the
queen, and he submitted to my judgment, and asked me to do what I
could to save his credit. After consultation with Lord Bermingham
and Teige MacWilliam O'Kelly, who were assistants with me in com-
mission, and MacDavy and Richard Burke of Derrymaclaughney,
who came on this service, Richard MacOliverus said he would fully
acknowledge MacWilliam, if he as next senior were given the <£40
chief rent due to MacWilliam out of Tirawley.
" MacWilliam flatly refused to give more than £20, which Richard
N
104 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
MacOlivi-nis flatly refused. Then I arranged that I would give
MacWilliam £20 of the queen's rent, and that he should give the
£40 of himself to Richard, keeping my £20 secret. This was
greatly approved by MacWilliam and my advisers, and accepted.
So the two were made friends. Richard begged to be made sheriff.
With MacWilliam's consent I made him. Richard is now very well
contented.
" While seeking peace, during my absence the earl's son TJlick
took O'Madden's Longford castle. So I hanged his pledge.
"MacWilliam raised 1200 gallowglasses, and had complete 800.
Agreed to pay for 700 Scots, and had complete 600. Loose Kerne
300. Horsemen 20. The earl's sons and O'Briens reckoned 800
foot, 80 horse. I had not above 460 foot and 80 kerne, and between
160 and 180 horse.
'* I required of MacWilliam as a fine for his nomination for Her
Majesty 100 marks or 100 cows. He was very much pleased, and,
though I refused at first, insisted on giving me 100 marks for myself,
as he knew I was at charges for this journey. He kept one of my
men to bring the money, whom I ordered to leave with him the £20
for Richard MacOliverus out of it.
" The charge per annum on MacWilliam's country for the Scots he
engaged was at the rate of £16,800. They had to fly without pay." ^
jNIacWilliam entered into a formal engagement on the 7th March
at the Togher to banish Scots and rebels, and to pay the 100 marks
before the 12th April. He made a good bargain, securing the suc-
cession at a low price, and getting rid of his Scots without payment.
Richard an larainn was knighted in September.
About April or May 1582 a fresh disturbance arose, which Malbie
describes in a letter fi^om Dublin on the 28th May.^ " Connaught
is well, saving lately that MacWilliam sending his officers with
some of my horsemen to Richard MacOliverus, brother to the last
MacW'illiam, deceased, and to the sons of the said MacW^illiam,
to receive Her Majesty's rents in arrear, which was delivered unto
them by the country for Her Majesty, the said Richard MacOliverus
and his nephews quarrelled with the officers and slew some of them
and three of my horsemen. Whereupon MacWilliam, taking the
matter in grief, entered their country and slew a son of Richard
MacOliverus, and a .son of Edmond Bourke of Castlebar, and twenty
more ; certifying Captain Brabazon, that if he thought that not
revenge enough, he would prosecute them more ; upon which revenge
Richard MacOliverus and his nephews put themselves in arms
against Her Majesty. MacWilliam sent to Captain Brabazon to
draw down towards him with his forces, who, calling the chief
1 S.P.I.E., vol. LXXXI. Xo. 42, i. « S.P.I.E., vol. XCII. No. 89.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 195
gentlemen of the province to him, was also advised by them to
make head against the others in time ; and so most willingly of
themselves, with their forces, accompanied him." Captain Brabazon
had 100 English foot, and 60 horse, and about 800 others, "all
gentlemen of the country and their rising out." "It is given out
that the evil dealing with the country people is the cause of their
revolt ; but I have used this Richard MacOliverus and his nephews
in better sort than any. It is written to me that they are very
well chastised already."
"Walter Kittagh Bourke, Sir John's eldest son, had come in and
submitted, and Brabazon had garrisoned the castles of Ardnarea
and Meelick. Richard MacOliverus went to O'Donnell to get Scots.
He failed, and returned in June.
An entry in the Annals of Loch Ce relates to this affair, and
shows how it was regarded by the Irish Annalists. It seems as
if Walter Fada's sons had invaded Tirawley on their own account.
I take it that they were acting with MacWilliam, and that this
is a note of a skirmish between their forces and those of a party
of rebels. " The sons of Walter Fada went on an expedition into
Tir-Amhalghaidh, and committed a depredation. The young men
of the posterity of Rickard Burk overtook them in pursuit, and
set upon them. The sons of Walter Fada turned against them,
and the pursuers were routed by superior numbers at Mam-an-ghair,
in Glenn-dubh, on the southern side of Xeimhfin. Rickard, son of
Edmond, son of Ulick of Caislen-an-Bharraigh, was killed there ;
and Edmond Allta, the son of Richard, son of Oliver, was also
killed there. Ambrose, son of David Ban, and Oliver, son of John,
son of David Ban, and a good many of their followers along with
them, were severely wounded there."
Sir N. Malbie was rebuked when he was in England for having
spent too much money. Therefore when the invasion in the summer
led to a serious wasting of the country and increase of rebels, he
did not put any charge upon the queen or the country to enable
him to cope with it at once, but contented himself with using the
garrison and the rising out of the loyal men.
Though Richard MacOliverus returned in June without Scots, he
seems to have made some arrangement with O'Neill. Torlogh
Lynagh sent Con O'Donnell to Connaught on the 3rd July with
1200 men, of whom 800 were Scots. They came as far as the walls
of the Castle of Sligo, where an English garrison under O'Conor
Sligo slew forty of them. O'Donnell plundered O'Conor Sligo's
country of 2000 cows, and Walter Kittagh at the same time
plundered all Tireragh. Malbie collected all the rising out of the
country, and set out from Athlone soon after the 8th July with
19G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
100 English foot and 70 horse, and was back again on the 19th.
Con, on hearing of his approach, fled in such haste that ten or
twelve Scots were drowned in crossing the Erne, and most abandoned
their baggage. Malbie had the country on his side, though his own
force was small. Richard MacOliverus and Walter submitted on
the 20th July, but Mac William and O'Conor Sligo warned Malbie
that though there was not then a rebel in Connaught, he must
expect the enemy to return in great force.
On the 28th October Malbie wrote from (lalway that there
was a great assembly of the nobility. "... William Burke,
MacWilliam, Richard MacOliverus, Walter Bourke, Murrough ne
Doe O'Flaherty . . . MacMaurice . . . and many gentlemen and
their wives, among whom Greny O'Mally is one, and thinketh herself
to be no small lady, are at present assembled to make a plat for
continuing the quietness." ^
William Bourke, Sir John's son, was made Sheriff of Sligo at the
end of the year. According to the Four Masters, " Ulick Roe, son
of Sir John, " was slain in the winter of this year by Thomas
Wideos, a gentleman of the queen's people ; and all said that he
was not fairly slain."
In January of 1583 Theobald Dillon collected the composi-
tion rents, and arrangements were made for payment of large
arrears.
Sir Richard an larainn died on the 3rd day of Easter, according
to the Annals of Loch Ce. The Four Masters call him " a plundering
warlike unquiet and rebelliovis man, who had often forced the gap
of danger on his enemies, and upon whom it was frequently forced."
He was the husband of Grainne ni Mhaille, better known as
Grace O'Malley, who survived him for many years. Though she
is not recognised in the Annals, the English records show that she
was an imperious, courageous woman, who went plundering upon
the seas, and had acquired a great reputation on the sea-coasts,
and who by her abilities and strength of character exercised a very
great influence in Mayo affairs through her husband and her rela-
tions. She settled at Rockfleet Castle, near Burrishoole.
Her son, Tibot na Long, inherited the courage and abilities of
his parents, and became the principal man in Mayo at the close
of this century.
Richard MacOliverus succeeded as MacWilliam, and was knighted
in November. The succession seems to have been disputed by the
Sliocht Ulick, as the Four Masters record that, " A great army was
led by the people of Sir Nicholas Malby, and the sons of the Earl
of Clanricard, Ulick and John, into lochtar Tire and Umhall Ui
1 i>.P.I.E., vol. XCVI. No. 37.
FORMATION OF COUNTY TO DEATH OF MALBIE. 197
Mhaille, and took a countless number of cattle spoils on that
occasion, and also burned and totally destroyed Cathair na Mart,"
which was in the demesne of Westport.
Sir Nicholas Malbie died on the 3rd March 1584. "There came
not to Erinn in his own time, or often before, a better gentleman
of the Foreigners than he, and he placed all Connacht under
bondage. And it is not possible to count or reckon all that this
man destroyed throughout Erinn ; and he executed many works,
especially on the courts of the towns of Athluain and Ros Comain."
(L.C.).
He carried the queen's policy a step further. 8ir E. Fitton
had made her power felt as a permanent authority in Oonnaught,
far stronger than any single lord, and had accustomed the lords
to the beginnings of administration. In the western counties the
petty wars among the minor chiefs were put down. When Sir
Nicholas came they were ready for the next step, the payment of
a small composition rent for their territories, the beginning of a
royal revenue to enable her to give vip the right of cess. They
had become used to see sessions held at Galway fi'om time to
time, and to see malefactors punished by her judges. He prepared
for the system of changing Irish tenures into English tenures, and
consequent abolition of irregular exactions, by appointing the
principal gentlemen to be seneschals of their own territories for
life, with power to assemble and command the inhabitants for the
defence of the country, the suppression of rebels, and the punish-
ment of malefactors. They were to attend the president or com-
missioners of Connaught when required for the queen's service, and
to obey their directions.
Thus Moyler Bourke of Cloghans was seneschal of the barony of
Kilmaine ; Melaghlin O'Malley, chief, was seneschal of Owl Imally ;
Thomas Keigh Bourke was seneschal of Moynter Creighan. Similar
grants were made to others.
MacWilliam Eighter was made seneschal of all his territories.
The grant to Sir Richard on 8th November 1.583 requires him
to arrest traitors and felons, and to put them in the gaol of the
county of Mayo until delivered by law ; to encourage peace, and
to administer the law as becomes a seneschal, not permitting the
Brehon's law ; with power to raise his reasonable expenses when
required by the governor of the kingdom or the president of the
province to appear in Dublin, Athlone, or Galway.
The clause regarding the Brehon law shows the intention to make
English law general, but it related to criminal affairs, not to the
civil I'ights of persons. It does not appear where the gaol of the
county was, if there was any, but probably it was kept by the
198 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
sherifT, wherever he lived. It does not appear that sessions were
hehi in the county in Sir Nichohxs's time.
These seneschalships seem to have been of little real use, except
in accustoming men to regard the queen as the fountain of authority
and justice. On the whole, the changes were very slight in Mayo,
and directly affected only the chiefs. The great boon to all men was
the protection against invasion and constant petty fighting, whereby
the smaller men suffered most.
The queen's power spread slowly from Gal way over Clare and
Mayo, and the southern part of Roscommon. The county of Sligo
was not yet affected much, and O'Rourk's and O'Reilly's countries
hardly at all. O'Conor Sligo's interests were bound up with the
queen's, as she could protect him from O'Donnell, and no one else
could or Avould. Thus, in general, Oonnaught was ready for the
next stage towards civilisation.
Writing to Sir F. Walsingham on the 10th June 1585, Mr.
John Browne gives the following remarks on the county : "In
the baronies of the three Ovvles, Ross, and MacCostello, they
have but little corn, and live chiefly by the milk of their cows.
Tirawley is the greatest barony in the county, and the best peopled,
and they have more corn and more cattle in that barony than in
any other. Gallen and Clanmorris are the most impoverished ;
Gallen, by what was taken there in Sir Nicholas Malbie's time, and
by the passing and repassing of soldiers there then, and taken by
the , and by exactions of MacWilliam and MacJordan ;
Clanmorris by MacMorris's exactions."
Sir RICHARD BINGHAM, Knt.
(Fr'tm the Portrait in possession of the Earl of Lucan.)
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE COMPOSITION FOR CESS AND THE INTRODUCTION OF
THE ENGLISH LAW.
Sir N. Malbie began, in Connaiight, the s^-stem of making engage-
ments on behalf of the queen for services, and rents to be rendered
to him by such chieftains as he could persuade thereto. They were
not one-sided; the chieftain gained acknowledgment of his rights
and support against enemies. A list of 1577 shows only one agreement
in Mayo, that of MacMorris and David MacMorris on behalf of their
country, engaging to furnish six horsemen, six shot, fifteen kerne, for
hostings in the province, and twenty labourers for four days' work
anywhere within it. It is dated July 22, 1577, and is to take effect
from September 1 to August 31, 1578.
A statement of all services due in Ireland made in 1584 embodies
the results of Malbie's compositions— MacWilliam and the Bourkes
of Lower Connaught give a rising out of 40 horsemen. Baron
Dexeter, Baron Nangle, and O'Malley did not give a rising out
separately, probably because they were bound to render services to
MacWilliam, and so had to give their share, but otherwise they came
under MacWilliam's agreement which bound his country to pay yearly
£166, 13s. 4d., and to find for one quarter of the year meat, drink,
and wages for 100 of the queen's foot soldiers, taken as ,£327 yearly.
The MacMorrises compounded separately to pay, in addition to
former services, 80 fat beeves, or =£54, 6s. 8d.
By a later composition, the rents of Mayo came to £433, 6s.
The Lord Justices note on the statement that the increase is due
to substitution for the old rate of 2d. an Irish acre, which was dis-
liked, but they do not say how these new rents are calculated. Pro-
bably some of the labour services and the maintenance of soldiers
were commuted.^
Thus the way was prepared for greater changes.
Sir John Perrot first sat in Council as lord deputy on June 21,
1584, when Sir Richard Bingham was sworn as a Privy Councillor,
having been appointed Govei'nor of Connaught on the 8th May. They
went together to Galway, and received hostages from MacWilliam.
1 S.P.I.E., LIX. 71 ; LXIV. 23 ; CVI. 50, 51, 52.
199
200 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Sir John visited all Connaught, and all Ireland, receiving submission
everywhere.
In December 1584 and 1585 many pardons were issued for the heads
of the chief families, their kinsmen, and dependants. In the absence
of indication of general disturbance in Mayo, we must look upon them
as intended to smooth the way for new arrangements by wiping out
past offences.
MacWilliam and other Connaught lords are said to have attended
the Paidiament at Dublin in April 1585, though not themselves of
either house. This county, like others, was represented by one
member.
The queen's government thought that the time had come for
carrying out a main end of their policy which had been long
sought, the abolition of the oppressive and ruinous practice of cessing
iipon the country her troops, and the retinues of the governors and
chief officers, and those of the great lords. But a revenue must be
raised instead. Sir John Perrot, in continuation of previous agree-
ments for payment of rent, agreed to give up the cesfe in consideration
of a sufficient rent upon the land. The lords and chieftains were
also to take from their tenants and those holding under them a
similar fixed rent instead of their irregular cuttings and spendings.
The agreements between them and the queen were called indentures
of composition, and they wei-e to make similar indentures with their
tenants and freeholders. Certain lands were allowed free of cess to
the principal genti-y, a point of great importance to them. The
seigniories and petty captainships were to be abolished for ever upon
the death of the existing holders. It was further provided that in
future all lands were to descend by the English law of inheritance.
The rent was fixed at 10s. on each quarter of tillage or pasture land.
Certain levies of soldiers were also to be provided by each country.
These arrangements were on the whole well devised to carry out
the change, but unfortunately the queen had not always a sufficient
force on foot in the province to suppress immediately the violence of
those who would not accept the consequences of this arrangement
when they were not to their own liking.
This agreement brought the rule of MacWilliam in Mayo to legal
and effective end on the death of Sir Richard Bourke. Though
MacWilliams were set up again they had no hold on the country, and
were abandoned by the local gentry whenever the queen's forces
enabled them to do so with safety.
Negotiations being completed in Connaught, a rough survey ascer-
tained the extents of land liable to cess.
On July 15, 1585, a commission was issued to Sir Richard Bingham,
Chief Commissioner of Connaught and Thomond, the Archbishop of
THE COMPOSITION FOR CESS. 201
Tuam, the Earls of Thomond and Clanricard, the Bishops of Clonfert
and Elphin, the Lord Athenry, Sir Nicholas White, Master of the
Rolls, Sir Edward Waterhouse, Sir Thomas le Strange, members of
the Privy Council ; Thomas Dillon, Chief Justice of the province ;
Charles Caltropp, Attorney-general ; Gerald Quemerford, Queen's
Attorney of the province ; Sir Tyrrelagh O'Brien, Sir Donald O'Con-
nor Sligo, Sir Brian O'Rourk, Sir Richard Bourke, Sir Morogh ne
dow O'Flaherty, knights ; Francis Barkley, Provost-marshal of the
province ; Nicholas FitzSimon of Dublin, alderman ; John Marbury,
Robert Fowle, and John Bi'owne, gentlemen ; to call before them the
chiefs and lords of the several baronies in the province of Connaught
and Thomond, and instead of the uncertain cess accustomed to be
borne to the Crown for the martial government there, and of the
uncertain cutting and spending of the lords upon the subjects under
their rule, to compound with them for a certain rent upon each
quarter of land in the province ; and further to divide the baronies
into manors, or lay down any other thing for the quiet of the country.
After passing of which by indenture tripartite it is meant to be
ratified by Act of Parliament. They shall make return of their
proceeding before the end of next Easter term.^
The indenture for the county of Mayo bears date of September 13,
1585. The barony of Ross is included in that of lar-Connaught, and
the barony of Costello, called of Ballyhaunis, was let stand over on
account of the wildness of the country.
The barony of Ross was transferred to the county of Galway by Sir
W. Fitz William, because the collector of the rent of Galway claimed
it as included in lar-Connaught according to the indenture, and the
collector of Mayo claimed it as in his county, and so the inhabitants
were vexed.
This instrument was signed by the lords of territories, and by the
tenants of the principal families who held under them, and may be
taken as the best means that could be devised to bind the whole
country. For the country it was a very good bargain. The rent of
10s. upon each quarter of profitable land was a light payment for
relief from the queen's right of unlimited cessing of officials and
soldiers upon the country, which was an undoubted custom, and a
universal Irish practice, heartily detested by the government which
was obliged to use it. There was also a small provision of horse and
foot for service within and without the province. But this was not
the whole benefit accruing to the country. The abolition of the similar
customary rights of cessing and of exacting and levying contributions
possessed by the lords of territories and heads of tribes was perhaps a
far greater benefit to the people at large.
^ 15 I). K. Plants, No. 4745.
202 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
MacWilliam surrendered his rents and rights of exaction, and in
return was allowed the castles and lands of the MacWilliamship, and
some at least of those of his own inheritance free of cess, together with
fixed rents out of certain lands, which seem to represent ancient
rents paid by freeholders of the early fourteenth century, which he
continued to receive. MacMorris and MacJordan, the two great lords
of territories, gave up their lents and vmcertain exactions for fixed
rents. The petty chieftains retained these rights for their own lives
only, and were allowed such castles and lands as they held in right
of the chieftainship as pai-t of their inheritance. The descent of
lands was to be by English law in future That the contract was on
the whole very satisfactory, we have the practical testimony of the
people affected by it. Rebellions and complaints were plentiful in
the next fifteen years, but neither rebels nor loyal subjects asked
that it should be renounced on both sides, that the queen should
abandon her rent and resume her rights of cessing and tribute, that
the chiefs and peoples should resume their chiefries and former
customs.
It will be seen that some chieftain families were willing to keep
the queen to her part of the bargain so far as they profited by it, but
wished to avoid paying the price ; they sought to resvime their
chiefries and to regain their arbitrary power over their tenants and
followers, to reap all the benefit for themselves and to avoid passing
on the benefits which were due to those below them.
Such discontented persons were but few, considering how great a
change was made. To the smaller people it brought only relief from
oppression. The families of the chieftains and gentry were satisfied
to surrender some of their position and power in return for protection
of life and property, protection against their neighbours and against
those above them. Their gain was greater than their loss.
The queen undertook the restoration of the law under this instru-
ment in conditions which were less favourable than those of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The radical difference of that
period remained, but the likeness had disappeared.
The difference was that the Anglo-Normans were citizens of the
English state, the Gaels were men of Gaelic families ; the difference
between the civilised and the uncivilised people, using the term un-
civilised only to denote the absence of the civil organisation without
reference to the state of culture of the nation.
In the time of King Kuaidhri O'Conor the Gael were socially much
what they were in the time of Conor MacNessa. Under Christian
influence they had lost the gross brutality which is seen in some
heathen stories, and had made great advance in literature and the
arts. Save for the softening of manners, social life habits and
THE COMPOSITION FOR CESS. 203
organisation seem to have changed little. In Queen Elizabeth's
time they were much what they were in King Ruaidhri's,
The English of Henry II. 's time brought with them an elaborate
system of law and judicature in courts rising from those of the lords
of manors to those of the king, whose courts and whose administra-
tion kept the whole state together, and secured safety and justice
usually to all men. Periods of lawlessness occurred at intervals, but
men on the whole coulcj count on getting justice. It was not the
system of our days, but it was a system which gave men security for
life and goods.
The words judicature and aclmmisf ration express the difference
which divided the nations. The Gael had no judicature organised by
a government, only a law worked up by their brehons, their judges,
who were ready to decide any matter which the parties agreed to
submit to their judgment ; no force was behind the Brehons as it
was behind the courts of the English, to bring an unwilling defendant
before them or to execute decrees. A defendant was, no doubt, com-
pelled by the public opinion of his neighbours, or by the power of the
plaintiff and his friends, to submit to trial ; but there was no power
which would respond to the appeal of the judge as a matter of right.
No government or administration existed at any time among the
Gael. It has been suggested that Brian Boru and Torlogh Mor
nearly formed Ireland into a stable monarchy, but I cannot see a sign
that they differed from other kings who gained the title " King of
Ireland." They attained .personal distinction, and gained great profits
for themselves and their tribes by their conquests. There is no
evidence that either of them formed or tried to form an administra-
tion, to govern the country. We cannot detect even a germ from
which a Gaelic state could have been reared.
The king of a province differed from the king of a petty tribe
only in having subject to him several chiefs who were called kings,
and the King of Ireland differed from another king only in having
made enough of the provincial kings submit formally to justify the
use of the title. In heathen times he does seem to have had some
special religious or other position in the assembly at Tara, but his
functions as King of Ireland, whatever they were, disappeared. The
relations between upper and under kings involved only payment of
tribute and receipt of wages and liability to irregular exaction in the
way of maintenance, and even less if the under king was strong.
In culture, manners, and personal habits, English and Gael seem
to have differed little, in degree, not in kind. In these respects the
nations easily coalesced.
Only those who have studied deeply the law and practice of the
local courts of that time can say with authority that such courts
204 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
could or could not have been established among the Gaelic tribes
without difficulty, without a complete conquest of each petty king and
replacing him by an English baron. It seems to me that the English
organisation under the king and his council and his courts, the courts
of the barons and of the hundreds and manors which were set up in
Ireland, might without difficulty have exercised full jurisdiction over
the Gaelic inhabitants of their district as over the English inhabitants.
Even the Brehon law relating to tenures of land, inheritance, and
the like could have been administered as customs of the manor. The
kings of the Gaels and the chiefs of Tuaths and their sub-chiefs
answer to the greater and lesser barons and the lords of manors.
Slight external pressure would have forced them to set up courts of
their own under their own bl-ehons and to give those courts the
needful power. They would have worked their courts imperfectly at
first, but the system would have been established and improvement
would have followed. In a generation or two the whole country
would have been under one organisation, the English and Gaelic
nations would have been drawn into one state, and would not have
been a Gaelic nation and an English state mixed up together.
Whether this view be right or wrong. King Henry's treaty with
King Ruaidhri forbade the attempt by the provision that the Irish
should use their own laws. It was disastrous because the Gaelic
kings did not enforce those laws, -and the English royal and local
courts had no jurisdiction to do so.
The nations were not far apart in general culture at that time, but
during the next four hundred years the Gaels, and the English who were
absorbed by them, were stationary, while the English made so great
progress in every direction that the two nations were very far apart.
CHAPTER XXIV.
FROM THE COMPOSITIOX TO THE RETURN OF SIR RICHARD
BINGHAM IN 1588.
In the summer of 1585 a man nicknamed Cloasearlykane (Cluas ar
leacain, " Ear to Cheek "), a follower of Sir M. O'Flaherty, described as
a Joy, became a wood-kerne and assembled followers — -that is, became
the captain of a gang of robbei-s and rebels, who robbed in lar-Con-
naught and the baronies of Clai"e and Kilmaine. Walter Bourke,
son of Edmund of Castlebar, met him in Thomas Roe Boux'ke's
island, and thereafter robbed some Galway merchants, killed Jasper
Martin, and went into rebellion. This Thomas was a son-in-law of
Edmund, and was of the family of Cloonagashel.
Some time after this Sir K. Bingham held the first sessions for
Mayo at Donamona, where the indenture of composition was finally
settled and signed. Thomas Bourke held aloof in disapproval of the
composition, although summoned to attend. He shut himself up
in his castle of the Annagh, on Hag island, in Lough Carra, and
collected men who robbed the country. Sir Richard therefore ordered
his arrest. John Carie, the sub-sheriff, found him at MacTibbot's castle
of the Crigh. He resisted and wounded Carie, but was mortally
wounded himself. This seems to have occurred very early in 1586.
John Browne prosecuted Walter Bourke, and took thirty cows from
him about that time.
About the same time Cloasearlykane and fifty of his band were
executed. His head is said to have been taken by Roger O'Flaherty.
The seventy persons said to have been hanged at the sessions at
Galway in January 1586 may have comprised some of this gang.
Sir Richard Bourke died soon after September, whereby the
succession to the name and profits of MacWilliam came to be settled
by the lord deputy, to whose discretion it was reserved by the
composition.
It seems that the action of Walter and Thomas Bourke did not
amount to much, or was ignored as long as possible. It is very
likely that their deeds were treated as ordinary breaches of the
law until they assumed a political aspect which could not be ignored,
towards the close of the year, after the death of Sir R. Bourke, when
Edmund was not immediately recognised as MacWilliam.
20G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Edmund of Castlebar, being Tanist, should have succeeded. He
had lost a leg two years before, and could not take the field. His
sons, Richard Bourke the Devil's Hook's son, Edmund Ciocarach
and Walter Ban, sons of David Ban, Oaheer MacDonnell, and others,
manned Castlehag in Lough Mask and the castle of the Annagh,
which now belonged to Richard Roe Bourke, who did not openly
join them, but endeavoured to secure adherents and to hire Scots
from Ulster.
Sir Richard Bingham was engaged in the siege of Cloonoan Castle
in Thomond during the first week of March. Thence he came with one
hundred men and a few kerne to deal with these Mayo rebels. He
began by an attempt to persuade them to return to obedience. Upon
their refusal, he tried to burn a couple of boats which they had in a
dock under the wall of Castlehag, whereof remains can be seen, in order
that they might not escape. The water then came up to the castle
wall, so that there was scarcely room for landing. The attack failed,
owing to a storm which arose, and failure of some of his boats to
play the part assigned. His own boat was upset, two or three of his
men were drowned, and he and the rest were rescued by the other
boats. The Bourkes secured his boat, and in it and their own escaped
to the woods before he could arrange for another attack. They
abandoned also the castle of the Annagh. These two castles and that
of the Clooneen belonging to Terragh MacDonnell were destroyed.
Captain Mordant and his company were sent across the lake to
follow the rebels, who were seventy or eighty in number.
Richard Roe Bourke, who had come to Sir Richard on his arrival
in tliis country, was tried by martial law and hanged for having
joined in the conspiracy and having sent to hire Scots. He was
known as Fal for Eirionn, the Pale of Ireland.
Meyler and Tibbot Reagh, sons of Walter Fada Bourke, already in
custody for endeavouring to hire Scots, being detected corresponding
with their friends and inciting them to rebellion, were also tried
by martial law and hanged. William or Ulick, son of Tibbot Reagh,
son of Richard O'Cuairsci, was also hanged for bringing in Scots and
for murders which he had committed long before.
Oliverus and his uncle Thomas, grandson and son of David Ban,
were hanged in this year, but at what time does not appear, as the
fact is recorded only generally. Several other Bourkes were killed in
this year, probably duzing pursuit in the course of these rebellions.
It is evident that Sir Richard was ready to deal gently with those
who took up arms themselves, but he and the government were
relentless to those who sought to bring in foreign forces, as the Scots
now and the Spaniards later.
The gentlemen of the country now undei'took to kill or banish all
FROM THE COMPOSITION TO RETURN OF BINC4HAM. 207
the rebels if Sir Richard withdrew his forces. When all was thus
arranged for complete reduction of the rebels, the lord deputy
intervened with a peremptory order to give the rebels protection,
and sent the protection, ready signed, for three months on condition
of giving pledges. This occurred sometime in April.
The object of this rising was to secure to Edmund Bourke the
succession to the MacWilliamship, to which he was entitled as
Tanist. It was evident that the lord deputy did not intend to
confer it on him when several months had elapsed. The rebellion,
it was hoped, would lead to Edmund's succession with a view to
pacification.
There is no evidence of Sir John Perrot's reason for this sudden
interference in a petty rising, but we may infer it to have been in
consequence of charges made by Francis Barkley, the provost-marshal,
and Theobald Dillon, the collector of the composition rent, against
Sir R. Bingham, that he caused the rising by his harsh and cruel
proceedings. By the end of May Barkley had confessed that he had
no grounds for such charges, and it was formally found by the
government in the end that T. Dillon's charges were groundless.
Meanwhile they were countenanced by Sir John, and there is evidence
that they were intriguing with the rebels during this summer, and
encouraging them to hold out in hope of Sir John's intervention and
his giving them better terms.
The lord deputy's decision regarding the MacWilliamship was
announced in May or June. Sir Richard MacOliverus's son William
got the bulk, including the castles and lands of Lough Mask, Ballin-
robe, and Kinlough, and the rents of the Kilmaine and Tirawley
freeholders. Edmund the Tanist got a share which seems to have
consisted of rents in the Clann Cuain portion of Carra. Three others,
whose names do not appear, got the rest.
This division caused great discontent, because William was young
and had no claim to a preference. Edmund had a grievance because
he as Tanist had a distinct claim beyond that of any other com-
petitor. The division did not fall in with clan feeling. We may
suppose that Edmund's claims were passed over because his sons
were in rebellion while the matter was pending, and it was thought
that William would be more dependent on and amenable to the
government.
The rising was intended to maintain Edmund's cause against his
competitors. The lord deputy's decision made his cause that of his
competitors. In the course of June they prepared for action. The
Bourkes of Castlebar and the Owles were now joined by the other
Bourkes of Carra and by some of those of Kilmaine, and by Walter
Kittagh, whose brothers, William of Ardnarea and John an tSleibe,
208 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
were sent to Ulster with Richard MacDemhan an Chorrain, known to
the English as the Devil's Hook's son, though the name is properly
the Demon of the Reaping Hook. Several minor families of Bourkes
joined them, and some other families of less note. They had also the
support of the Clan Gibbon, Clan Philpin, the Joys, the O'Malleys,
and .most of the MacDonnells. The lord deputy forbade action
against them, and sent commissioners to ascertain their demands,
which the Council found excessive. Then Sir R. Bingham was
ordered to reduce them to submission. In consequence of this parley-
ing their numbers I'ose from 400 to 700 or 800, and they were for
some time free to rob as they pleased.
Sir Richard ordered his forces to assemble at Ballinrobe, which he
reached on the 14th July with his own foi^ce of 100 foot and 50 horse.
Lord Clanricard, with 30 horse and 100 kerne, and Lord Athenry
and Sir Hubert Burke, MacDavid, met him. Here came also the
forces which he had levied in the province, 100 men under Captain
Mostyn junior, 100 under Captain Merriman, and 600 or 700 light
kerne.
The rebels now proposed to parley for peace. The Archbishop of
Tuam, the Bishop of Kilmore, Lords Clanricard and Athenry, Justice
Dillon, and Mr. Comerford and some others, were sent to them as
commissioners, who delivered the lord deputy's terms to the repre-
sentatives of the Bourkes, who were men of little importance. The
Bourkes insisted on their own terms, viz. : 1, To have a MacWilliam ;
2, to have no officer in their six baronies but such as they liked ;
3, not to be required to attend sessions or the like. These terms
were rejected as before.
Sir Richard and the Council of Connaught now sent for the
Bourke's pledges, who were kept by Mr. John Browne at the Neale —
namely, Ulick, son of William the blind abbot ; Richard, son of
John, son of Moyler ; William, son of Moyler Og, whom they hung
at once. The fathers of these boys knew well the consequences of
their rebellion, that they deliberately consigned them to death. But
the Bourkes and the Irish chieftains thought little of such matters —
probably thought they had done well in giving children instead of
fighting men. After this Sir Richard insisted on pledges of good
standing in the family.
On the 21st July he sent the footmen on to Ballintubber, while
himself and Lord Clanricard, with the horsemen, took post at the
castles of the Togher and Newbrook. A proclamation, which had
been made before the parley, sowed distrust among the rebels, who
broke up into separate parties, and made no offer to fight, betaking
themselves and their cattle to the mountains.
The next day he sent about 700 footmen after them into their
FROM THE COMPOSITION TO RETURN OF BINGHAM. 209
fastness, the mountains to the west of Lough Mask and Lovigh Carra,
under the chief command of Captain John Bingham, Sir Richard's
brother. These forces met no general resistance, but came on some
of the rebels and killed a few, and took some prisoners, but none of
the principal rebels. By the 28th they had got nearly to Galway,
having searched out the country of the rebels and followed some of
their cattle into Connemara. They brought out 2000 head of cattle,
taken from the Blind Abbot, the Clandounells, the Clangibbons, Joys,
and others, besides what they used for food.
Meanwhile Sir Richard sent some of his men with Sir Morough
O'Flaherty and Richard Og MacJonyn and his men to attack the
Joys and intercept those who fled from John Bingham's men. They
took 1500 or 1600 cows, though Sir Morough acknowledged only 800
as captured. Moreover, Sir Richard suspected that the 2000 head
brought to Galway had been originally 3000. Mr. John Browne of
the Neale, with the rising out of Kilmaine, went into the Joys'
country by Ballynonagh, and brought out about 150 cows and a
prisoner, and killed or drowned 11 or 12.
Some footmen and kerne which joined him after Captain J. Bing-
ham's departure were sent into Erris, whence they brought out 2000
cows. Roger, or Ruaidhri, O'Flaherty was employed by sea to keep
the rebels from the islands. They were so much reduced by these
vigorous measures that he was able to turn back some additional
forces which were coming, and was on the 30th July preparing to
dismiss some more.
Some 80 to 100 rebels were slain in these proceedings.
One thousand head of cattle were reserved to meet extraordinary
charges ; some were used to pay off kerne who were discharged, and
the rest were divided as booty.
According to her own story, Grace O'Malley was captured by
Captain Bingham's force and sent to Sir Richard, who released her
upon the guarantee of Richard Bourke, probably the Devil's Hook's
son, who was her son-in-law.
The Devil's Hook's son played a conspicuous part in these rebellions.
His father, Richard an Demhan an Chorrain, never came before or
submitted to any governor.
William Bourke, the Blind Abbot, appears here for the first time.
He was now the next senior of all the Bourkes after Edmund of
Castlebar, and was the head of the Sliocht Ulick of Carra. He is
said to have been a man of no force of character, who was guided by
his sons. He was now sixty years of age, and for the next few
years was the most important of the Bourkes as the heir to the
MacWilliamship which they hoped to restore.
Sir Richard moved to Donamona Castle soon after the 30th July,
O
210 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
uiid stayed there to rest his men and let the rebels come in and
submit, as he heard they were ready to do so.
After his arrival there, having evidence that Edmund of Castlebar
had taken part in raising the rebellion and in hiring Scots, Sir
Richard held a sessions and had Edmund tried for treason under
the common law. He was convicted and hanged, in spite of his
great age (more than eighty years), as a warning against rebellion
and trying to set up the MacWilliamship. It has been repeatedly
asserted, to show Sir R. Bingham's cruelty, that he was so decrepit
that he was carried to the gallows. This is an error which was
started in the Annals of the Four Masters. He had lost a leg, but
was not decrepit. He had lately returned from a visit to the Lord
Deputy. As the conviction was under the common law, his estate
was forfeited. His sons' hopes were ended.
Justin MacDonnell, the head of his clan, came in first. After him
came Edmund MacRichard an larainn, and after him came William
Bourke, the Blind Abbot, who submitted himself in the humblest
terms. They were required to give sons as pledges. William tried
to put in his youngest son, whom Sir Richard refused, and after two
days gave his eldest son. Richard Boui-ke also gave satisfactory
pledges.
By the 16th August all had submitted and given pledges except
Edmund's sons, who required restoration of their father's lands.
This was in the discretion of the Lord Deputy, to whom Sir Richard
referred them. Then they desired to give as pledge the eldest
brother's son, when Sir Richard had reqvaired one of themselves.
The kerne had been discharged, and the soldiers were to be dis-
missed. The whole affair was to be wound up on the 26th August,
which Edmund's sons had appointed to give their pledge. But then
came news that the Scots hired in Ulster were on the Erne coming
to help them. So they drew back. Sir Richard started for Sligo the
next day, leaving a small force to prosecute them. They did in a
week give their pledge to Mr. Browne.
On receipt of this report on the 26th, Sir Richard sent Lord
Clanricard to Sligo with most of his forces to support his ' brother
George, sheriff of that county. Next day he started himself with
100 foot and 25 horsemen, making a detour nearly to Roscommon
in consequence of a report that the Scots would be in the plain of
Roscommon that evening. On the 28th he reached Sligo, leaving at
Boyle Sir Thomas Le Strange and the Roscommon forces whom
he found there awaiting the enemy.
He wrote to the leaders of the Scots asking why they were coming
thus into Connaught, and received the following reply in Irish : —
" This is the answer of James his sons to the Governor of Con-
FROM THE COMPOSITION TO RETURN OF BINGHAM. 211
naught, that they are come over the Erne with a great number
of men, being drawn in by the Clanwilliams .and the Clandonnells,
who are their cousins, and that Shane Entlevie, son to M'William,
and Edmond Kykraghe, son to Davie Bane, are with them, to draw
them to M'William's country, and they shall give them entertain-
ment and the spoil of Connaught. And James his sons have no
other shift, but to take an enterprise upon themselves for such as
will give them most, as all other soldiers in the world do use. And
whosoever in Connaught shall forbid or let them thereof, they will
not take it at their hands, except they be stronger than they, or of
greater power. This is sufficient.
" I, DONELL GORME. I, ALEXANDER CarRAGH." ^
Donnell and Alexander were sons of James MacDonnell of the
Isles and Antrim. With them was Gillaspick Campbell of the house
of Argyll. They were said to have come lately out of Scotland.
According to Sir R. Bingham's computation, made after the battle
at Ardnarea, they were in all about 1400 fighting men, with an equal
number of women and children and attendants, whose presence
shows an intention to settle in the country. They were joined by
about eighty Irish horsemen of Ulster, and by a few Irishmen on
foot.
Having heard of the pacification of Mayo, they halted for some
days on the Erne, and then moved slowly through O'Rourk's country
to Dromahaire and the borders of Sligo, keeping in the mountains
and woods.
Sir Richard's free field force was now 400 well-equipped footmen
and 60 horsemen, and risings ovit in number about 100 horsemen
and 200 kerne, insufficient for an attack unless he could find the
enemy in open country. Thus he waited for them at Sligo and the
foot of the mountains, keeping close watch on their movements.
On the 15th September they left their camp to turn back or to
come on towards Mayo. Sir Richard waited for them at Collooney
and Knockmullen, and other places where they must pass, until ten
o'clock at night, when he sent his men away to shelter on information
given by O' Conor Sligo that the Scots had encamped for the night.
It was a very wet stormy night. As soon as the English forces were
withdrawn, the Scots came on and passed 300 or 400 men over the
bridge of Collooney before the English footmen came up and took
the bridge from them. The Irish horsemen left there did not act.
Sir Richard himself ariived from Knockmullen as the bridge was
won. Though defeated there, the Scots went to a ford near the bridge
which was not guarded, as the existence of any such ford had been
1 S.P.I.E., OXXVI. No. 17.
212 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
denied. With liis own horsemen and Lord Chmricard, 8ir Thomas
Le Strange and Mr. Barkley, and a few of their horsemen, Sir Richard
attacked them, but failed to stop them. They got past him and
into the mountains, with a loss of only 40 to 50 men. A few of Sir
Richard's men and horses were killed and wounded by arrows. Thus
the Scots gained their end of crossing into the mountains by judicious
use of knowledge of country and choice of times. Their future move-
ments were, on 16th September to O'Hara Reagh's town (probably
Annagh), on 18th to a place three miles from ]3alhegh (probably
Bellahy), on 19th into Coolcarney, on 20th to Ardnarea.
Sir Richard now dismissed the risings out as useless for the purpose
in hand. They had failed him in the night fighting, as might be
expected. Such undrilled men could not be used tactically in com-
bination with the drilled companies. They left him 400 foot and
50 horse.
To protect the barony of Tireragh, he went as far as Ardnaglass,
whence he made a long march to Moygara Castle on the 18th
September, upon information that the Scots were in the mountains in
O'Gara's country. On the 19th he moved to Castlemore, on a report
that the Scots were making for Roscommon. About two hundred foot
and forty horse sent by the Lord Deputy joined him at these places.
On a report that the Scots were in Coolcarney in some place near the
Moy, he left at noon for Banada Abbey, which he reached two hours
after dark on Wednesday, 22nd September. He was guided through
the high woods of the Letter by Edmond MacCostello, who bad
aspired to be ^lacCostello, and was in the confidence of the people.
Here he soon brought to Sir Richard a priest who had been kept a
prisoner by the Scots and had escaped that day, who reported that
they were encamped at Ardnarea and were persuading the Bourkes
to join them, and who procured two O'Haras as guides.
About 3 A.M., when the moon gave light, the whole force set out and
reached the castle at Aclare at daylight. The direct way was now
abandoned, and soldiers and baggage in one body were led by side
paths in the mountains, keeping as silent as possible to avoid observa-
tion. About two miles from Ardnarea a halt was made and the
orders for attack were given.
Sir Richard went on ahead with the horsemen, leaving the infantry
to follow as fast as they could. About ten o'clock on Thursday, 23rd
September, he came in sight of the camp. Half-a-dozen horsemen
who had been sent in advance as scouts were discovered by the Scots,
who came out and formed themselves in order of battle, thinking
they had to deal only with the force they saw. They advanced upon
the cavalry, who, after a charge which (h-ove the van back on the
main body, retired before them until the infantry came. Sir Richard
FROM THE COMPOSITION TO RETURN OF BINGHAM. 213
then formed his line and made a general charge upon the Scots, who
broke and iled to the river. The affair lasted about an hour. There
must have been considerable fighting on land, though the numbers
found dead on land are not given. About eighty of the Scots stripped
themselves and swam across tlie Moy. Not another fighting man
escaped. The chief losses seem to have been by drowning. The
English fired into the struggling masses, who lost their footing and
were swept away by the current. Bodies were found in heaps on
the rocks and banks. The losses were computed to be 1400 fighting
men, including all the leaders and Edmond Ciocarach Bourke and his
brother Oliverus, and Caheer and Ever MacLiesigh MacDonnell, two
chiefs of their clan. An equal number of attendants and women and
children perished.
The field of battle has not been identified. There was no escape
from it but to the river. The camp was somewhere close to the
castle, but the accounts show that the Scots had drawn up outside the
camp and had followed the English cavalry a short way.
Those who swam away were reported killed by Walter Kittagh
Bourke and others.
Twenty horsemen were out foraging at the time of the battle, and
made their way to Ulster. These seem to have been the only
survivors of the invasion of Connaught. Eighty or a hundred had
been led away the day before to plunder in Tirawley. They were
killed, some by those they went to rob, and the rest by the forces of
George Bingham and the gentlemen of Sligo.
Sir Richard brought 500 foot and 90 horse into action, all in the
queen's pay.
The costs of the rebellion were paid out of cattle taken from rebels
and fines imposed on the principal offenders.
The reason of the advance of the Scots to Mayo after they heard of
the pacification must be sought in their circumstances, which suggest
that it was their least dangerous course. They had landed in Inish-
owen and plundered that country, and had passed through Tirconnell
into Fermanagh. They had to live on the hospitality of the chiefs
and gentlemen or by robbery. A body of nearly three thousand
persons was an unwelcome burden on any country. The chiefs might
willingly support them on their march to drive the common enemy
out of Connaught or to pass them on to another territory, but none
wanted them as settlers. When they halted on, the Erne in dovibt
they lived by robbery in Dartry and Carbury. If they now turned
back they would have all Ulster against them. The road to Ma3'o
was safest, and they had the reasonable hope that the appearance of
so large a foi"ce would gain them adherents and that some of the
chieftains would sive them settlements. ,
214 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The lettei' of the two MacDonnells shows that they rated their
power highly, but the words of the Four Masters seem to describe
their force fairly : " Their name and fame were greater than their
appearance."
The convoy of families made their marches slow, and compelled
them to keep among mountains and woods in order to avoid a battle
wliile so hampered. This necessary covu-.se did not raise the country
in their favour, but discouraged any inclination to join them, showing
that they feared to meet Sir llichard. When they reached Ardnarea
the Bourkes had eaten the fruits of rebellion and had no appetite for
more. Until they met Sir llichard in battle and defeated him, or forced
liim to retire and leave the country to them, they could gain no support.
Sir Richard understood their military value and the conditions of
his work. "When they left the mountains and woods, as they must do
at last, his opportunity of striking an effective blow would come, as it
did. But he could not have hoped that they would let him find them
in a position fi'om which they had no escape.
Having suppressed rebellion and defended his province from the
Scots, Sir Richard had now to defend himself. Sir John Perrot
was with difficulty restrained by his Council from going to Mayo to
supersede Sir Richard in dealing with the Bourkes and Scots. It
was objected that his heavy train could not hunt down rebels and
would be fed with difficulty, and that Sir Richard was able to deal
with the affair. At last they agreed that he might go as far as
Athlone. At Mullingar he had news of the defeat of the Scots. He
went on to Galway to receive complaints and evidence of Sir Richard's
misconduct. He received none, and went back, justifying the Council's
objection by his oessing the country heavily for his support, in breach
of the composition.
The principal original rebels and gentlemen of Mayo came to
Roscommon and subscribed and took oath before the Clerk of the
Council of Connaught to two statements, one by those who had been
rebels on the 16th November, and one by those who had not rebelled
on the 17th November. ^
The first, entitled "A True Discourse of the Causes of the Late
Rebellion of the Burkes," is an important document, because it sets
out the origin and history of the rebellion under the hands of those
who knew the facts, and appears to be in all respects accurate and
trustworthy, agreeing with such independent evidence as exists, and
because the deponents declare their readiness to testify whenever
called to do so. It is a solemn statement of what witnesses are ready
to depose to in disproof of the charges made against Sir Richai^d. I
have made much use of it in the foregoing pages. From it we can
1 S.P.I.E., CXXVI. 83, 81.
FROM THE COMPOSITION TO RETURN OF BINGHAM. 215
infer the first charges made by F. Barkley and Th. Dillon to have
been general charges of harshness and oppression and breaches of the
composition, and specific charges of the killing of Thomas Roe and
the execution of Richaid Roe and Moyler and Tibbot Reagh Bourke
by martial law.
They assert that the gentlemen of the country generally disliked
the restraint of their aibitrary dealings with their tenants which
resulted from the Queen's Government in Connaught, and that they
were much displeased by the abolition of the old names and seignories
under the composition. When Edmund Bourke sued for and was
not granted the succession to the MacWilliamship, his sons and others
entered into action to secure the succession for him. They protest
these to have been the sole causes of the rebellion, and that the object
was the restoration of the names of MacWilliam and MacDonnell
and of their ancient customs. The second rising was due solely to
the abolition of the MacWillinmship and the unjust division of the
seignory. Sir Richard never oppressed or wronged any of them, but
was ever ready to do them right and justice, never broke the com-
position in any way. They acknowledge that Thomas and Richard
and Moyler and Tibbot Reagh were justly killed and executed, and
that their hostages were justly hanged at Ballinrobe for their parents'
defaults, and that the governor spared many other pledges whom he
might have put to death justly.
F. Barkley and Theobald Dillon came about the time of their
occupying Castlehag and warned Richard and Moyler Oge and
Edmund's sons not to come to any officer, but to be upon their
guard.
Edmund MacRichard an larainn deposed that Garrett M'Teig
Dillon came to him after midsummer with a message from Th. Dillon
not to trust or come to any officer until Th. Dillon should come to the
country, and that he, Edmund, was to be arrested, whereupon he
joined the rebels. The deponents were : William Burke the Blind
Abbot, Moyler Oge Burke, Edmund Burke M'Richard Yn Yeren,
Moyler Burke M'Thomas Roe, Shane Burke, Ustion M'Donnell,
Riccard Oge M'Gibbon, Richard Yn Yeren, Riccard a choga M'Gibbon,
Tibbot M'Gibbon, Moyler Oge M'Tibbot, Moelemora M'Ranell
M'Donnell, Shane M'Gibbon, Edmund M'Moyler M'Gibbon. Edmund
Burke M'Thomas Duff, Richard Oge M'Ranell M'Donnell, Walter
Oge M'Walter M'Fyreghe.
The name of Richard, son of the Devil's Hook, is not among them,
unless it is represented by Richard Yn Yeren, which is not improbable.
These men all made marks, and the clerk who wrote may have mis-
taken. The document is drawn as if he was to sign it.
The second paper is much shorter. It is only to certify that the
216 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
abolition of the MacWilliamship and of the other lordships and the
restraining from customary exactions were the cause of the rebellion.
The deponents are fully representative of the baronies of Kilmaine,
Carra, Murrisk, Burrishoole, and Clanmorris, and must have known
accurately the facts.
Some of them signed. Those who made only a mark are <lis-
tinguislied by * before the name.
E. B. Edmund Burke's mark of Cong. * Shane M'Hubert, parson
of Dun[am]ony's mark. * Laghlar O'Maillie, chief of his name.
* William Burke of Shrwher. Edmund Burke of Cowlnegashell.
*Moyler Burke M'Thomas Roe. Robertus O'Maylle. * Edmund
M'Gilduff M'Jonyn. * Rycard M'Morris, chief of his name. * Ferigh
M'Connell. Alexander 6g M'Donnell. * Walter M'Jonyn of the
Towrin. David M'Morris. * Phelam M'Marcus M'Conell. * Dermot
O'Malley. * Hubert M'Jonyn. * Shane M'Morris. * M'Moelmory
M'Conell of Toaght. * Farigh M'Torlagh. Reaid Battwrin. * Davy
M'Hubbert M'Jonyn. * Moyler M'Morris. * Walter Og M'Walter
M'Riccard. * Gillduff M'Gibbon. * Shane Jonyn of Kilchwoyre.
Hary FisMorys. * Moelmory M'Ranell. * Moyler Og M'Gibou.
* Jonyn M'Ullick. * Moyler Burke of Manychroyr. Johannis
Marcus. * William Og. * Thomas M'Tybbott Reaghe. Robertus
O'Caleesus. * Walter M'Roe. * Laghlen O'Malley. * Enys
M'Donnell of Aghelhard. * Marcus M'Hugh Boy. * William Crom
M'Phillipin. Marcus Edmundi finci fin.ci. * Edmund M'Tybott.
* Edmund Og M'Richard a chegga. * Richard ne Koillie.
M'Connell is a form of MacDonnell. Reaid Battwrin is not in-
telligible, but may have been intended to represent Ricard Bhailldrin.
Bhailldrin is found as a name of a MacCostello. It is probably a
diminutive of Walter, O'Caleesus is perhaps O'Gilla Isus. Richard
ne Koillie was a M'Eryddery, FitzSimon.
Some of them probably did give evidence before the Council, though
we have no record of any further proceedings until the final order of
acquittal on the 20th February 1587, in which the Council finds that
Theobald Dillon has failed to prove his charges, which were maliciously
brought and were not based on any probable just cause or matter,
and further finds Sir Richard's "credit rather increased by defending
so sufficiently and truly (as they fell out) the malicious informations
of the said Theobald."!
It was probably a consequence of these false charges that T. Dillon
and F. Barkley lost their places as Collector of Composition Rents and
Provost- M arshal .
Connaught was quiet after the defeat of the Scots, and Mayo was
in complete peace until the coming of the Spanish Armada.
1 S.P.I.E., CXXIX. 53.
FROM THE COMPOSITION TO RETURN OF BINGHAM. 217
Bingham and Perrot were pressing the queen to approve the
counterparts of the Indentures of Composition, in order that they
might issue them to the lords and chieftains who had entered into
simihir indentures with their tenants.
In May the queen ordered Bingham to come for service in Flanders,
but he did not leave Ireland until July. In an account of his service
he wi'ites that Malbie's old composition was very unsatisfactory and
unfair, and, owing to its inequality, collected with difficulty and not in
full. In spite of it the country was cessed. As soon as he had arranged
the new composition he drew in all the garrisons and stopped all
cessing, and collected rents for the last three years in full, and made
no charge for Connaught on the general revenues. Sir J. Perrot
wrote to the same effect. ^
When Sir Richard left the composition rents were being paid in
money. Wallop wiites to Burghley that Bingham kept Connaught
in such peace and order that in these bad years it yielded corn for
the other provinces and plenty of cattle. This period of peace and
plenty lasted until the coming of the Spanish Armada.
Sir Richard was succeeded by Sir Thomas Le Strange, and on the
12th September by his brother, George Bingham, as Deputy Governor.
In September a large number of the principal lords and bishops and
chieftains and gentlemen of Connaught petitioned the Privy Council,
declaring Sir Richard's good government, and praying that he be sent
back as Governor.
On the 13th May 1587 the Lord Deputy issvied a commission to
Sir R. Bingham and others for the composition with the barony of
Ballyhaunis. Owing to Sir Richard's departure the inquisition was
made under Sir Thomas Le Strange on the 3rd September. The
Commissioners reported that the barony contained 252 small quarters
of land called Carowmyres, or a fouith part of a quarter, and that
the soil was so unfertile and the arable land so scanty that they put
four small quarters to one quarter of 120 acres, and so made out 63
quarters fit for composition rent. They recommended a favourable
rent on account of the poverty of the country, and therefore referred
the case to the Lord Deputy, who fixed the rent at 10s. on 83 quarters
on the 1st December.
In February 1588, having returned from Flanders to England,
Sir Richard wrote to Burghley protesting against this reduction of
Theobald Dillon's rent by nearly =£100 as groundless. He had a survey
which made the barony to contain 272 quarters. He pointed out
that such a reduction would make the whole composition uncertain
and would give rise to discontent in others.
It is probable that this reduction was an act of partiality or corrup-
1 .S'.P./.^"., 9th, 10th July 1587.
218 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
tion. Theobald Dillon had by this time got into his hands a great
part of the whole barony, which certainly contained more than 63
quarters. The Lord Deputy's figure of 83 quarters seems to be an
arbitrary figure. No such extraordinary allowances had been made
elsewhere. Tlie quarter of 120 acres was at this time an uncertain
quantity, a measure of value, not of actual acreage. Estates or deno-
minations of land were estimated as containing so many quarters,
meaning that their arable and pasture were equal in value to so many
quarters of 120 acres of standard land.
The landholders made surrenders of their lands and took them
back by grant from the Crown to be held under English law. After
the composition they made contracts with their tenants. Thus civil
justice had to be administered throughout the grefiter part of the
province. Some parts of Connaught up to this time were wholly
beyond the influence of the courts, such as the county of Leitrim and
lar Connaught. In Mayo such wild and difiicult regions as Erris and
the Isles Avere left alone.
There is evidence of the working of civil justice in Mayo at this
time, though it is not clear how far the law was applied. It was
applied to dealings of merchants and of English settlers with the
old inhabitants of the country. But the inhabitants, except so far
as they had formally brought themselves under English law, seem to
have settled disputes among themselves in their old ways, provided
they did not by fighting and killing bring themselves within the
reach of the criminal law. I do not find records showing how far
the existing customs were recognised and enforced in the Queen's
Courts at this time, if they were recognised and enforced at all as
an existing law.
Suits were tried before the justice and a jury in open sessions,
occasionally within the counties when they were peaceful, and at
Galway for the province in general.
In Sir N. Malbie's time Englishmen began to come from other
parts to settle in Mayo. The first of these was Mr. John Browne of
the Neale, who played a considerable part in Mayo. Because he calls
himself the first Englishman who settled himself to dwell in the
county, he has been taken to have been an immigrant from England.
At this time " Englishman " meant a man of an English family
which had not abandoned English laws and customs, and did not
necessarily mean a man who was born of a family settled in
Englanil. In a list of sheriffs he is described as John Browne of
Kilpatrick, from which it may be inferred that he was one of the
family which was long settled at Kilpatrick in Westmeath, or came
from some other Kilpatrick. He was brought up in the household of
Sir Christopher Hatton ; many young men of good family were sent
FROM THE COMPOSITION TO RETURN OF BINGHAM. 219
to England to be brought up in the houses of men of position. While
in Mayo he corresponded with Sir Christopher and with Sir Francis
Walsingham. Whatever may have been his origin, he was without
doubt a man of unusual capacity and force of character.
He was of such position in the county as to get 12 quarters of
land free of the composition in 1585. He acquired about 30 quarters
of land in course of time in the baronies of Kilmaine, Carra, Gallen,
Clanmorris, and Erris. He must have acquired by purchase, as it is
certain that he did not get Crown grants. There was at this -time a
good deal of selling and mortgaging of lands.
His nephews William and John came to the Neale, and the former
acquired some lands.
The year of his coming is unknown, but it must have been before
June 1580, when Sir N. Malbie notes the settlement of Theobald
Dillon at Castlemore.
Thomas Nolan settled in the Castle of the Crigh, in which he
appears to have acquired a share from the MacTibbot family. His
name seems to be Irish, but he was a settlex*.
William Bowen was an Englishman from Leinster, and Christopher
Garvey of Lehinch was an Irishman of the Pale, a son of the Bishop
of Kilmore. They acquired two castles from the Bovirkes. Walter
ne Mully complained in 1589 that he had been wrongfully dis-
possessed of two castles. Sir R. Bingham explained that these men
were in possession after trial in due course of law.
In the conditions under which Walter Bourke was brought up,
Bowen and Garvey, men of no local position, could not have brought
the queen's power to bear to secure their rights. They would have
been obliged to arrange their claim with him.
Merchants of Galway were now acquiring interests in land by sale
and mortgage.
Such settlement shows that there was a fair degree of security in
the county, at least after 1576, which enabled strangers to settle
in the county and invest their money with reasonable safety for
their property and persons. Before 1570 this would have been
impossible.
The new position of MacWilliam is shown by the incident noted
by John Browne, that while he was sheriff he took both MacWilliam
and his Tanist, Edmund Bourke of Castlebar, prisoners on account of
the disorderly conduct of themselves and their sons, and held them
until they delivered to him their sons as pledges to the queen.
CHAPTER XXV.
FROM THE COMING OF THE SPANISH ARM ADA TO THE
PEACE OF 1589.
Sir R. Bingham resumed the government of Connaught in the spring
of 1588, and arrived at Athlone in the beginning of May. He
collected the composition rents then due without delay, foreseeing
trouble if the Spaniards came to the coasts of Ireland.
The Government issued a proclamation ordering all men to bring in
such Spaniards as fell into their hands and to give immediate notice
of their arrival to the queen's officers, and warning them of the
penalties for disobedience. Indeed, no proclamation was needed to tell
men that keeping or helping these Spaniards was in itself an act of
rebellion and warfare, as the Armada came to invade her dominions
and to drive her from the throne.
The ships arrived on the coast during September. The proclama-
tion was obeyed generally in Connaught ; but whether it was obeyed
or not, the country people did not offer a kindly hospitality to ship-
wrecked mariners. Some got ashore with their arms in sufficient
numbers to protect themselves, and escaped in other ships. The rest
were taken prisoners and given up, or killed if they did not surrender
themselves, or else were robbed and killed or left naked.
A few were kept for use as fighting slaves. A savage Irish chief-
tain thought some of the famous Spanish soldiers a great addition to
his power. They must fight for their lives, as capture was certain
death. When Sir Murrough O'Flaherty made a raid into Galway and
Mayo in the next March, he was said to set great store on about
twenty Spaniards.
Sir R. Bingham reported in December that the Spaniards were
known to have lost on the coast of Connaught twelve ships, that two
or three more were supposed to have sunk at sea beyond the Out
Isles, that 1100 men were put to the sword, only Don Lewis de
Cordova and his nephew being reserved for the queen's orders, and
that 4600 were supposed to have been drowned. This wholesale
slaughter was repugnant to his feelings, but when he ventured to
reserve fifty for the Lord Deputy's disposal he was ordered to
execute all.
Sir G. Fenton's final estimate shows the losses in Mayo : " Ships
220
FROM SPANISH ARMADA TO THE PEACE OF 1589. 221
and men, sunk, drowned, killed, and taken upon this coast of Ireland
in the month of September 1588, as followeth : ... in Tix-awley, one
ship, 400 men ; in Clare Island, one ship, 300 men ; in Fynglasse,
O'Malley's country, one ship, 400 men ; in Erris, two ships, none lost,
because the men wei-e taken into other vessels, but the vessels and
ordnance remained."
Fr-om contemporary letters the following details are taken regarding
these ships.
The earliest report is that a ship of 1000 tons, having fifty brass
pieces and four great cannons, was cast away at Borris ; sixteen who
escaped were secured by the Earl of Ormond's tenants. This seems
to be the ship noted by Sir G. Fenton as wrecked at Fynglasse, The
description given in the letter may be erroneous, as the letter was
not written by one who had direct information, and the mention
of Borris and Lord Ormond's tenants is most likely a rendering of the
fact that O'Malleys captured the men. Some of the O'Malleys were
Lord Ormond's tenants. If so, the cannon which now lies at Westport
House may have been hers, as it is said to have been recovered from
the sands on the coast to the south of Carrownisky river.
A large ship was wrecked in Ballycroy. About 600 men under
Don Alonso de Leyva fortified themselves in the castle, but afterwards
joined others at Tii-aun.
A large ship was wrecked at Tiraun. The crew and the Ballycroy
party were taken off by other ships.
A ship was wrecked in Tirawley. William Bourke of Ardnarea
took seventy-two prisoners, and Melaghlin Mac an Ab was reported
to have killed eighty Spaniards with his Gallowglass axe.
A ship commanded by Don Pedro de Mendosa was wrecked on
Clare Island. Don Pedro refused to surrender. Doodara O'Malley
slew him and 100 men.
The wrecked ships were utterly broken up and their guns lost.
The country people took the treasure and valuables that could
be got.
Giovanni Avancini and fourteen Italians, being ill-used by the
Spaniards, deserted from them, apparently from those who were in
Ballycroy.
On receipt of report that Don Alonso de Leyva and his men were
fortifying themselves in the castle of Ballycroy, probably Doona, Sir
R. Bingham went forward with the small force he had at hand. At
Castlemacgarrett he met the report that they and the Spaniards at
Tiraun had embarked again, but he went on to Donamona Castle, as
it was reported that 500 others had landed at Broadhaven. Here
Justin MacDonnell, one of the leading men of the Clan Donnell, was
arrested, tried by martial law, and hanged for treason in having
222 THE KAHLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
conspired with Richard Bourke, the Devil's Hook's son, to bi-ing Don
Alonso and his men inland, having sent guides, having forbidden the
country people to supply food for the queen's forces, and in having
incited people to collect in order to force Sir Richard to retire, he
having but a small force with him.
This execution was afterwards made a charge against Sir Richard,
but the ( Jovernment was satisfied that the proceedings were regular
and the conviction justified.
At this time William Bourke, the Blind Abbot, was arrested and
kept in prison for about fourteen weeks, and then released on the
pledge of his son for his good behaviour.
At the end of September all were quiet but the Devil's Hook, Sir
Murrough O'Flaherty, and O'Rourk, who refused to give up their
Spaniards. The person meant by the term " the Devil's Hook " at
this time Avas Richard Bovu-ke, the Devil's Hook's son. The Devil's
Hook himself was dead, 1 believe, though I have not been able to
ascertain the date of his death. The English in Connaught seem to
have used the terms indifferently.
No open acts of rebellion had been committed in Mayo except the
combination of Richard Bourke and Justin MacDonnell to bring the
Spaniards in from Erris. But the septs of the Owles where R. Bourke
was chief showed disaffection. Mr. Gerald Comerford, who had been
sent there on special duty and had been ordered to join Captain
George Bingham, wrote on the 19th September to Sir R. Bingham, who
was then in Mayo, that he could not leave Carrick Kenedy with his
small force, as the Clanrannells, a sept of the MacDonnells living near
Newport, and other septs were out and were lying in wait in his
road, and asked for a company, which Sir Richard sent, to bring
him away.
When the Lord Deputy FitzWilliam came to Athlone to attack
O'Rourk and the Ulstermen, who had a large number of Spaniards,
he called up the rising out of Connaught. Only those of Kilmaine,
Clanmorris, and Costello came from Mayo. Upon the representation
of Sir R. Bingham and Mr. John Browne, the sheriff, of the danger
of withdrawing these loyal men in face of the evident combination of
the Bourkes and Joys and Clandonnells, they were sent away, and
Browne was left to protect the loyalists until Sir Richard's return
from Ulster, where he was to go with the Lord Deputy.
During the next two months things went worse. Richard Bourke
and Sir M. O'Flaherty were open rebels by their retaining Spaniards.
It was certain that they would be dealt with as soon as Sir R.
Bingham returned, and it was their interest to raise disturbances and
gain support. These proceedings are described by Mr. Thos. Nolan
of the Creevagh, who had been settled in Mayo for some years and
FROM SPANISH ARMADA TO THE PEiVCE OF 1589. 223
should have been well informed, in a letter dated 19th March 1589.^
After mentioning releases and exchanges of hostages made by John
Browne : —
"Walter ne Mully had continual access in the night time for ten
days together to Sir Murrough ne Doe, and then all the plot of this
rebellion was laid down, and they combined together. About that
time Walter Burke in the night time killed one William Keaghe,
servant unto Mr. Browne, yet Mr. Browne procured for Walter a pro-
tection for the committing of that fact. About a fortnight after
Walter's brother, Shane Bv;rke, murdered two honest men of the
English pale near Ballinrobe. Then Sir Murrough ne Doe held con-
ference with all the O'Flaherties, and joined them all to him except
one Roger O'Flaherty. After that he had a conference with the Devil's
Hook, the Joys, and the sept of Ulick Burke, and Walter ne Molley
at Tnishmeane, MacTibbott's house, and in the Partree, and there all
the combination was agreed upon, and since Walter Burke and the
rest were upon their keeping, Walter did transport the most part of
his corn into the Joys' country a month before Christmas. The
Devil's Hook, the Blind Abbot's sons, and the rest gathered 80
or 100 men together, and took meat and drink where they listed.
They came one night to Darby Moran's, a soldier's house at Ballin-
tubber, commanding his wife to make them good cheer, and said that if
she had welcomed and cheered them willingly and the best she could,
she would have no thanks for her cost and goodwill. They came about
that time to Nic. Lawleis, an honest civil man's house near Mayo, in
an evening drank and spoiled six barrels of drink, wasted other
victuals, and put the poor man in danger of his life. The next day
they came to Allen M'Donnell's house near Lehinch in that number,
and cessed themselves in the villages thereabouts. Immediately after,
they came up as far as the river of Clongowla or Ballinrobe, cessed
themselves upon the Rochfords, Malods, and Clannevallies,- and going
thus in troops to the terror of the subjects. Mr. Browne did write
unto your worship of their insolencies. This rebellion is no sudden
act, but a matter long agreed on."
This shows what the people had to endure when the law had not a
strong arm present to protect them, a sample of what happened in other
places. By such actions, and by keeping Spg,niards, Richard Bourke
and his associates had broken the protections given to them in re-
spect of past offences. When the Lord Deputy passed through
Connaught, he was informed that they were in action of rebellion
and must be prosecuted. But nothing could be done then, as all
forces in hand were needed for the march into Ulster.
1 S.P.I.E., CXLHI. 12, ii.
2 Clann An Fhailghaigh 1 — i.e. MacAnally?.
224 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
After Sir llicliard's return a conauission to prosecute them was given
to Captain Mordant. When he reached Dunmore his company
refused to go on, because they had not been paid or satisfied for their
services with the Lord Deputy's army. This occurred in the middle
of December.
Sir Richard now arranged to deal with them by means of local levies.
Upon reports of further disorders early in January 1589, instructions
were given to the sheriff, Mr. John Browne, and to others to prepare
to levy soldiers and to prosecute these Bourkes, and a formal com-
mission to do so was made out for him on the 13th January.
Those in actual rebellion up to this time were Richard and Ricard,
sons of the Blind Abbot ; Theobald, Walter, and John, sons of
Richard an larainn ; the sons of Walter Fada ; the sept of Ulick
Bourke of Erris, and the Devil's Hook's son ; the Carra Bourkes
generally, and those of Cloonagashell ; the Joys, and some Clandonnells,
Clangibbons, and O'Flaherties.
When the issue of this commission was made a ground of complaint
against Sir Richard he justified it in all points at the trial. He
admitted that such a commission was usually signed also by one of
his assistants. But immediate action was necessary in this case,
and no English Councillor was resident in Connaught at the time
except Justice Dillon, who lay sick in his house. No Irish Coun-
cillors were at hand, and he pointed out that the queen had warned
the Lord Deputy not to impart such secret purposes to Irish Coun-
cillors. A similar commission had been issued to Captain Mordant.
His commission for martial affairs empowered him to act alone in
such matters.
This defence was accepted by the Government. The want of signa-
ture of another Councillor seems to have been the only exception that
could be taken to it, and that was a matter of custom, not of law.
These men had been open rebels for months, and an earlier attempt
to prosecute them had failed.
Mr. Browne reached Rockfleet Castle, with from 200 to .300 men,
on the 7th February, if his death has been correctly assigned to the
8th. Richard Bourke had met him and objected to Browne entering
his country.
Browne sent most of his force on towards Erris next morning under
John Gilson, William Browne, and Christopher Garvey, following them
with about twenty-five men. When about ten miles from the main body,
he was attacked by the forces under Richard Bourke and Walter ne
MuUy, who killed him and all his men, among them Donnell O'Daly,
his sub-sheriff, and Redmond Burke of Benmore in Galway.
As the main body came back safely, this was but a petty success for
the Bourkes, .if only the numbers killed be considered ; but it was a
FROM SPANISH ARMADA TO THE PEACE OF 1589. 225
very important event in other respects, and marked a stage in the
course of the rebellion.
Hitherto the rebels might be described as unaggressive. They armed
themselves against the queen, and set the law at defiance by going
about in bands living on the country, and robbing loyal or peaceable
men who were not strong enough to resist ; but they kept within
their tribal boundaries and did not attack the queen's oiBcers, who
were able to live in their own castles, but were not strong enough
to disperse these bands. They ignored all law and the queen's
authority.
They were now joined by the Blind Abbot, the Bourkes of Turlough,
Thomas Bourke of Island Caca, the MacPhilpins, the Stauntons, the
people of Gallen, many Clandonnells, the rest of the Clangibbons,
and by Sir M. O' Flaherty. The rebellion was no more formidable
than that of 1586, and might have been crushed as easily if Con-
naught had not been denuded of drilled soldiers. It was impossible
to deal with rebels with only the country forces, and reinforcements
did not come for six weeks.
As action by the governor did not follow immediately, this small
success seemed a great one to the wild tribes, and the rebels increased
in numbers so that in March they were reported in Galway to be
2000, but according to Sir R. Bingham, they were never more than
700 in arms, which is probably the correct number of Mayo rebels
under arms at any one time. Early in the month they had taken Tiraun
and assaulted Castlecarra, which Captain AVm. Bowen, now the sheriff,
had bought in 1586. During this period Nolan and Garvey remained
in their castles, and Gerald Comerford, the Attorney of Connaught, was
able to move about with a small escort, as we find him at Nolan's
castle on the 15th March, and at a castle near Carras on the day of
the battle of Carras.
In March the rebels entered on active operations against the queen
on a larger scale. It was said that the Bourkes promised the following
terms to Sir M. O'Flaherty as the price of his services — £300 for his
son Edmond, whom he had given as a pledge, £300 for breaking down
his castle of Aughnanure, £300 to keep a bodyguard.
He broke down the castle, and his son was hanged at the end of
the month. The report shows that such an arrangement was thought
reasonable and probable.
Early in March he crossed Lough Corrib with 500 to 600 men, and
joined the Mayo rebels. In the course of the month they plundered
the baronies of Clare and Kilmaine and Clanmorris. As William
Bourke of Shrule, the senior of the Sliocht Walter, is mentioned as
having been plundered, it seems that he and his sept generally
were opposed to rebellion, and not merely indifferent. The rebels
P
I
2*2G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
had twenty Spaniards, who, it is said, could not endure the hard-
ships of Irish life.
Bowen and Comerford had a conference on the ISth March with
William Bourke, Sir Murrough, and the rest. William Bourke attri-
buted the rising to the hard and extreme dealings of Mr. J. Browne
of the Neale, and other inferior officers. They said that if William
Bourke was created and made Mac William as others before him, and
the benefit of the composition allowed them, they would make peace.
Comerford said that the name was extinguished, and never to be
revived. They refused to agree to any kind of peace or truce unless
William Bourke was made MacWilliam, which the other side could
not agree to.
Sir Morough stayed with a few men at Keltyprichane in Kilmaine,
and sent the rest under his son Teige to plunder the baronies of Clare
and Dunmore, where they burnt sixteen towns, and gathered 3000
head of cattle and horses.
In the meantime soldiers had reached the governor, who sent two
companies forward under Capt. Weekes and Lieut. Francis Bingham,
who met on Thui'sday, and w^ere in camp near Milltown on the morn-
ing of Easter Saturday, March 28. The story of the battle is best
told in the words of those who won it.^ Edward Bermingham, who
was living in Milltown Castle, was an English gentlemen from the
Pale and had been Sheriff of Mayo for a time. He writes at Athlone
on the 31st March : —
" So it is that on Saturday last in the morning Teig O'Flaherty,
eldest son of Sir Morough ne Doe, accompanied by three of his
brethren and 500 more, came to the borders where I dwell, and there
did burn and prey 16 towns. Whereof the said Teig accompanied
with some 100 came to my town, and there did assault my castle
valiantly. I being well provided did put them from that purpose to
their great loss, for I did kill two of his gentlemen at the castle door,
and had four of his men hurt and buried. He burned half the town,
and all my corn, and carried my prey with him. Two bands of
soldiers being eastward of me six miles I did send unto desiring that
they might make with my guide where I should meet them, and the
passage where the rebels should pass. The captains, by name Ca2)t.
Weekes and Lieut. Bingham, making no delay issued out, and I
certifying in their journey where to come and the brave service at
hand, made their repair to the place appointed by me, which was
from thence they came 10 miles. I having the enemies in sight till
I met the soldiers, when I brought them face to face at the gate of
the Carre in the barony of Kyllmaynham in the County of Mayo, where
the enemy did prepare them in battle array and come against us.
1 S.P.I.E., CXLIII. No. 12 ; vi., vii., viii.
FROM SPANISH ARMADA TO THE PEACE OF 1589. 227
The soldiers not neglecting their time went against them ; there was
a volley of shot on both sides. They came to the push of the pike
with great courage, when the said Teig O'Flaherty was slain with
eight of his company. Then they were disordered, and I with six
horsemen of mine and eight footmen, being beside our battle as a
wing ready to charge upon the breach, did charge, when I struck
their guidon under his morion with my staff and ran him through in
the face of the battle. I followed another and had him down, and so
did my horsemen kill 5 more at that charge. We had not six score
of ground to deal with them when they recovered a main bog. Three
of "my horsemen and eight footmen did kill of them in the bog 16.
Her Majesty's Attorney in that province (Mr. Comerford), under-
standing of their disordering, issued forth when he met of them and
did slay 16. Divers others in their flight did kill of them, so that I
account there is slain of them 80 and upwards. The Attorney and
I brought the head of Teig O'Flaherty to Sir Richard yester night who
was wonderful glad, for this Teig was the stoutest man in this pro-
vince and could do most. I have recovered all my losses by this
means." On the 1st April he writes, that all the Clandonnells save
two have gone with the rebels, and have of late made 400 gallowglass
axes. " I was troubled with certain of my friends in my castle upon
the assault, by name my sister Marie Hussey, my wife, and four
gentlewomen more of the Pale, who wished themselves in their
graves."
Francis Bingham wrote from Tuam on the 30th : " We overtook
them at Castle Annacare, where they had gathered the piey of 13
towns, who seeing us come marching, displayed two guidons at the
first, and when they saw both our colours displayed they displayed
six more, and then retired into a piece of ground of advantage, and
put a hedge of bushes between us and them, and presently joined
battle with us, and gave a marvellous hard attempt at the first, so
when their attempt was withstood they broke so that there and in
the chase we had the killing of lUO and odd."
That night two prisoners were got and put to the sword, and next
day being Easter Sunday, four men were found wounded in a house
and executed, and eleven were got in Tibbot Boy's castle, whereof ten
were executed. "There was gotten of their furniture 63 pieces,
besides other furnitures, as morions, swords, sculls and tai-gets, and
four guidons." They camped that night at Clogher (Cloghans?), and
thence went to Tuam to get meat. Urun and Teig Og, two other
sons of Sii' Morough, were among the slain. Comerfoi'd was in a
castle two miles from the battlefield, and sallied forth on the fugitives
with six shot, seven footmen, and four horsemen, and killed twenty-
four, according to his letter dated 29th March at Turin Castle.
228 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
At this juncture, when the O'Flaheitys had suffered disaster, and
the Bourkes could have been crushed easily, the Lord Deputy inter-
vened, ordering Sir R. Bingham to refiain from prosecuting the
rebels, and to withdraw all forces from Mayo, in order not to hinder
a pacification. He appointed the Bishops of Meath and Kilmore, Sir
Robert J)illon, Chief Justice, Sir Nicholas White, Master of the
Rolls, Sir Thomas Le Strange, and Sir R. Bingham as commissioners
to treat for peace. He handed over the loyal and law abiding part
of the people, who were the bulk of the people of Mayo, to the will
of the rebels for six weeks.
O'Rourk had been encouraged by the previous inaction to send a
party to plunder in the County Sligo, who were defeated and driven
away by Sir G. Bingham. Rebellion had not spread further. The
Lord Deputy's action encouraged others to join, and to plunder quiet
districts, so that the rest of the county of Mayo were forced as condi-
tions grew woi'se to join the rebels, at least nominally, for their own
safety.
Of these commissioners the Bishop of Meath and Sir R. Dillon
were bitter, open enemies of Sir Richard, because he had exposed
their corruption in the case of O'Conor Sligo a year before.
Captain Merbury, who had been employed in Connaught, has left
notes on some of the principal men of Mayo \vho were concerned in
the rebellions and negotiations of this year.^
"Sir Murrough ne Doe is reckoned about seventy-five years, the
Devil's Hook ['s son], Ulick Burke, and Robert O'Malley nigh to
sixty. Walter ne MuUy is exceeding poor, but crafty-headed and
bold. Walter Kittough is wise enough, but too weak to attain to
the M'Williamship. . . . The Blind Abbot was never wise, steady,
or honest. He doats for age ; is very beggarly overborne by his
children. Edmund Burke of Cong, called M'Thomas Yvaughery, is a
very handsome man ; always out for fear of the law for killing Ulick
Burke of the Neale, and if Cong be taken from him, which indeed
did belong to Sir William Collyer, he will be very poor by and by.
The many factions among themselves are enough to overthi'ow
them."
Walter ne Mully spoke English, and was on friendly terms with
Francis Bingham. Gerald Comerford and Edward White knew
Irish.
The commissioners reached Athlone on the 11th April. Next day
the Bishop of Kilmore and Sir N. White and Captain Fowle, the
Provost-marshal of Connaught, were sent to parley with the Mayo
rebels. Edward White was with them at the parley. He was a
relation of Sir Nicholas, and the bishop was father of Christopher
1 S.P.I.E. CXLVI. No. 21.
FROM SPANISH ARMADA TO THE PEACE OF 1589. 229
Garvey, who had settled in Mayo. The other commissioners went on
to Galway, and sent a message to Sir M. O'Flaherty.
By the 17th the Bishop of Kilmore's party had met the Bourkes,
and had agreed with the Blind Abbot, Richard Bourke, and the
others, for seven days' peace for themselves, but not for Walter ne
Mully, who had gone with 120 swords towards Tireragh and Bally-
mote to join O'Rourk. Sir Richai'd wished to send 200 men to cut
him off, but the Bishop of Meath would not consent.
The two commissioners came to Galway on the 19th, and reported
the complaints and demands which the Bourkes had made. Sir
Richard desired to send Fowle against the Clandermots, who had
risen, but the commissioners desired to retain him. On the 21st Sir
Richard asked the commissicfners what he was to do about O'Rourk,
who was plundering around Ballymote. They told him to report to
the Lord Deputy.
The negotiations were opened on the 23rd, when Ulick Bourke,
Walter ne Mully, and Robert O'Malley came into Galway. They
were told that they must bring in the Blind Abbot, Richard Bourke,
Sir Morough, and Teig ne Mully O'Flaherty if they wanted peace,
for whom protections were sent. Sending men of such small import-
ance to meet the commissioners was treating them with contempt.
On Friday, 25th April, the commissioners, except Sir Richard,
met the leading rebels in confei-ence at the New Castle near Galway,
as they i-efused to enter the town. Sir Richard did not join in the
conference, as the rebels made charges against him personally. The
grievances and demands of the Bourkes and Sir Morough were again
set out.
The Bovirkes declared that they would not have I'ebelled but for
the commission to John Browne, that they had never done anything
to break their protections, or done one groat of harm to any man
until Browne and Gilson encountered them.
Their other grievances were — oppression by sheriffs and other
officers going about the country with more men than they were
entitled to have with them, taking of their lands without order of
law, hanging of gentlemen of land and living by martial law, especi-
ally the two sons of Walter Fada and Justin MacDonnell, and tyranny
and oppression by Sir Richard Bingham.
Sir Morough's grievances were that the Isles of Arran and certain
lands had been taken from him, and he said that he would not have
rebelled but for Browne's commission.
The Bourkes offered peace on these conditions — That the Mac-
Williamship be restored, that no English officers be sent into
MacWilliam's country, that Sir Richard be removed from the gover-
norship, and that they should pay the composition rent.
230 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY' OF MAY'O.
The Lord Deputy's insti-uctions to the commissioners, "They shall
have sheriffs, and .shall not have a MacWilliani," rendered further
discussion useless.
But they had another conference at the New Castle on the 26th,
when the commissioners pioposed a peace for a month, and that Sir
]Morough, and the Blind Abbot, and Ulick Bourke, and Walter ne
INIuUy should accompan}' them to Dublin to declare their grievances
before the Council. These made such conditions as the commis-
sioners could not accept. They desired not to be held responsible for
breaches of peace during their absence, and avowed that they coidd
not rely on their confederates to keep terms. The commissioners left
Gal way on the 27th April.
The failure to make peace was the result of the situation as it
appeared to the rebels. They had killed the sheriff, and the
O'Flaherty contingent had been routed ; the Lord Deputy had not
dared to follow up this success by attacking the Bourkes, but with-
drew all his forces from their country. When he sent to sue for
jjeace, they could see no reason why the victors should submit to tei'ms
imposed by a beaten enemy. If he wanted peace he must submit to
their conditions. Moreover, they were in possession of the country.
They could plunder any one in Mayo who did not submit to them,
and could make raids into Roscommon and Sligo. It would be time
enough to submit when the queen's forces came in irresistible strength.
The reasoning was sound. They kept their country under their own
control until the following February, except for Sir Richard's raid in
May and Sir W. FitzWilliam's journey through it in September,
The refusal to entertain the offer of peace prevented immediate
inquiry into the alleged grievances, but the report of the four com-
missioners was answered at length by Sir R. Bingham in November.
From these documents the above account of their proceedings is
taken. The report shows a desire to discredit Sir Richard by any
means, and consists chiefly of allegations of want of politeness or
consideration towards them, and unwillingness to co-operate with
them. But it discloses the fact that he did meet their wishes on all
points, although he expressed to them his opinion that the rebels
who were pillaging the country ought to be prosecuted. On the face
of their report some of their complaints were frivolous, and it was
answered and explained in full by Sir Richard.
Sir N. White seems to have been free from the bias of the majority
of the commissioners, as he wrote to Burghley on the 9th May that
he sees no reason why peace should not have been concluded "if the
desire of revenge in some of us to condemn Sir Richard as author of
the wars and hinderer of the peace were not the cause." But he
probaljly erred as to the possibility of a peace at that time.
FROM SPANISH ARMADA TO THE PEACE OF 1589. 231
When they left Galway the commissioners authorised Sir Richard
to prosecute the rebels. At the end of April Sir Richard had
received 100 foot and 30 horse in consequence of O'Rourk's adhesion
to the rebels. FitzWilliam saw the futility of the Galway talk, and
sent orders to Sir Richard on the 29th April to prosecute the rebels,
and promised to send more men.
By this time the rest of the county of Mayo had been forced to
join the rebels in form, if not in action. Only MacMorris and David
MacMorris, and Walter MacEryddery in Clanm orris, and William
Bourke of Shrule, and a few others, held by the queen. In Ros-
common some of the MacDermots, O'Oonor Roe's sons, and Dualtagh
O'Conor of O'Oonor Don's sept, were out in arms.
Sir Richard acted with skill and energy as usual. The Sheriff of
Roscommon drove O'Rourk back to his own country, and suppressed
the other rebels. He wQnt himself to Mayo with six companies,
where the rebels fled before him. He marched through their moun-
tains, and killed some without losing any of his own men, but did
not get their cattle, which had been driven to the sea-shore and
the islands. When he came out and encamped at Cong to rest his
men, he met an order from the Lord Deputy directing him to
withdraw all troops from MacWilliam's country, and to refrain from
prosecuting the rebels. But the troops might defend themselves
if attacked. If Sir Richard had not been thus stopped, the rebels
would have submitted everywhere, and peace would have been made
in a fortnight. All those who had joined the rebels only in appear-
ance had abandoned them. The Blind Abbot and the leaders were
now fugitives, skulking in the woods and hills.
This order was made on the 10th May to allow the rebels free access
to the commissioners, the Archbishop of Armagh, lately Bishop of
Kilmore, Sir Robert Dillon, and Sir Thomas Le Strange, who were
sent to Galway to treat with the rebels until the Lord Deputy should
come himself to make peace. The Bishop of Meath was joined with
them, then or soon after.
The rebels had done comparatively little harm up to this time.
Now the three counties of Mayo, Roscommon, and Sligo were left to
their mercy for many weeks, and great damage was done when they
were thus encouraged to undertake fresh enterprises.
The commissioners started immediately, and sent protections to the
leading rebels to enable them to come in to treat. This policy had
immediate effect. On the 22nd May Walter Kittagh Bourke and
the Clandonnells of Gallen and Costello, and some Sliocht Ulick
Bourkes, invaded Leyny and Corran, where they pillaged and burnt,
and drove off cattle. Walter's son Richard was killed by a gunshot
at Tullyhugh, near Achonry. At the same time O'Rourk's brother
232 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
took more prey on the other side. Walter Macllichard an larainn
went into Costello, wlience he carried of? some of Theobald Dillon's
goods and a gentleman who was in charge of them. Edward Ber-
mingham was robbed of some horses. Grace O'Malley robbed the
Arran islanders. She did not altogether give up " her old trade of
maintenance by land and sea" after 1586, as she alleged in 1593, but
was ready to resume it when the chance came.
This sudden change was caused by a letter from the queen
directing the Lord Deputy to adopt a more temperate course in
the inferior governments, especially in Connaught. Hereupon he
determined to make peace on almost any terms the Bourkes would
give. Hitherto he had never cast doubt on the propriety of Sir
Richard's proceedings, and had expressed his continued good opinion
of him, notwithstanding the commissioners' report. Even Sir
Geoffrey Fenton, no friend of Sir Richard, thought that no one matter
had more pushed the Connaught rebels to disobedience than the
spurning of their own minds against government. Up to the 31st
May FitzWilliam affected to suspend his judgment till he went
there, but after that he appears to have decided to make Sir Richard
responsible for the rising, as the result of his tyranny, oppression,
and extortion, and at last came to spare no means, just or unjust,
to procure his conviction upon false charges if true charges could
not be adduced.
As he passed through Athlone on the 7th June he ordered Sir
Richard to remain thereabouts. On arrival at Galway he found that
the commissioners had arranged with the principal rebels, except
Richard Bourke, for a submission, which they made on the 11th June
in St. Nicholas's Church, remaining on their knees almost three-
quarters of an hour.
Next day the Bourkes handed in a Book of Complaints against
Sir Richard Bingham and the queen's officers, and a petition praying,
by way of redress —
1. That a rate be laid down for pleading for pardons.
2. For the removal of Sir Richard Bingham.
3. For the qualification of extremity of martial law.
4. That a man chosen from amongst themselves be appointed to
collect the composition.
5. Tliat gentlemen of the county be sheriffs.
6. That no one be dispossessed of lands by provincial order with-
out trial by law, and that such as have been dispossessed be
restored.
7. That part of the yearly profits of MacWilliam allotted to the
house of Castlebar, now in the queen's hands, be given to
William Bourke, the Blind Abbot, for his maintenance.
FROM SPANISH ARMADA TO THE PEACE OF 1589. 233
Though the submission was made on the 11th of June, the pro-
ceedings went on until the submission and the conditions of peace
were embodied in the following formal instrument on the 20th June,
which is an interesting document, both for the actual terms of confes-
sion and conditions of peace, and for comparison with the subsequent
actions of these very humble and very contrite supplicants : —
" W. FiTZWILLIAM.
"Whereas Sir Moroughe ne doe O'Flartie of lar Connaught, chief
of his name, William Burke the Blind Abbot, eldest of the low
Burkes, Edmond Burke M'Thomas Evagherye, Meyler Oge M'Walter
Fadda Burke, David O'Dowde, chief of his name, Hugh Duff eM'Moi-oghe
O'Flartie, Shane M'Morice, Walter M'Tibott alias M'Tibott, Shane
M'Thomas, Tibott Reoghe M'Tibott M'Gibbon, U'Donell,
Edmond M'Tibott, Robert O'Mayle, Walter Kittaghe Burke, Walter
ne , Teg roe O'Mayle, and Dualtaghe O'Connor of the sept
of O'Connor Dun, being the chief and principal of such as lately
entered into action of rebellion in the county of Mayo, and in the
country of lar Connaught, the most of them brought into Galway
against the coming of us the Lord Deputy, by the Lord Primate, the
Lord Bishop of Meath, Sir Robert Dillon and Sir Thomas Le Strange,
knights, commissioners appointed for that service, far as Galway afore-
said, the 12 of this June 1589, in the body of St. Nicholas' Church
exhibited to the Right Honourable Sir William Fitzwilliam, knight,
Lord Deputy, and the Council, then present, upon their knees, their
humble submission, the tenour whereof ensueth —
" ' To the Right Honourable Sir William Fitzwilliam, knight.
Lord Deputy General of Ireland. In most humble manner, and ac-
cording to the loyalty, and most bounden duty to the Queen's most
gracious Majesty, her royal crown and dignity, and also to your
honourable good Lordship, maketh our lowly and humble submission.
Sir Moroghe O'Flartie, knight, chief of his name, William Burke alias
the Blind Abbot, chief of the low Burkes, Edmond Burke M'Thomas
Evagherie, Walter M'Tibot alias M'Tibott, Edmond M'Tibott, and
others now present, and set upon our knees before your Lordship
with lamentation and grief for our unhappy revolt from our natural
duty and allegiance, as also for all and singular our tenants, followers,
and servants, and all other our most unhappy associates in this hateful
odious action, raised, put in execution and practised in the county of
Mayo, and the country of lar Connaught, or elsewhere wheresoever
within the province of Connaught, whereof we, for us all, being from
them hereunto authorized, and they swore and bound to us by oath
and faith, to conform and stand to what orders or conditions soever we
should agree and consent unto, Do not only acknowledge ourselves to
be right heavy and humbly sorry, even from the bottom of our hearts,
234 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAY'O.
the cause or occasion thereof whatsoever notwithstanding ; but also
we here do offer, for and in the name of us all, to stand and per-
fox-m what order soever your good Lordship and her ISIajesty's Privy
Council here, shall order and set down, as well for our foimer faults
in this and late falling from our duties, as also for our unfeigned,
loyal, and dutiful obedience to her Majesty, her crown and dignity,
during our natural lives hereafter, most humbly assuring your honour-
able lordship to accept this our humble and unfeigned submission,
and that we may taste of her Majesty's most gracious mercy, as many
others as grievous and hateful offenders heretofore have been. And
we, from the bottom of our hearts, according to our bounden duties,
shall, not only daily and continually, most humbly pray for our most
gracious sovereign Lady and Queen, long to reign with prosperity
over us, with faithful promise of the venture of our lives, and the
spendings of our lands and goods to serve her Majesty at all times,
but also for youi- Honours long to continue in honourable state
amongst us.'
"Upon which their petition and humble submission, we the Lord
Deputy and the rest of her Majesty's Council (whose names are sub-
scribed) entering into the consideration of the matters, and of the
great desire they have to yield themselves to her Majesty's grace
and mercy, and to stand to such directions and orders as we, in the
behalf of her Highness, shall set down, have with the full and whole
consent of the said Sir Morogh O'Flarte, William Burke, Meyler Oge,
Hugh Duffe M'Morogh, O'Dowde, Shane M'Morice, Walter Tibott,
Shane M'Thomas, Tibott Reoghe M'Tibott M'Gibbon, O'Donell,
Walter Kittaghe Bourke, Walter ne Mulye, Teig roe O'Mayle, and
Dualtaghe O'Connor of the sept of O'Connor Dun, concluded, ordered,
and agreed, in manner and form following : —
1. First, that evex'y sept shall deliver in such suiEcient pledges for
the observation of the peace, and for their loyalties and obedi-
ence to her Majesty and the state, as we the Lord Deputy and
Council shall nominate and think meet.
2. That the said Sir ^Moroghe, and the rest of the Burkes and
others abovenamed, with the rest of their confederates, shall
presently disperse their forces, and everyone to repair to his
habitation, and to live as becometh good and dutiful subjects.
3. They shall forthwith deliver to the Lord Deputy such Spaniards,
Portagalls, and other foreigners of the Spanish fleet as are
now amongst them.
4. The said Sir Moroghe and the sept abovenamed shall make satis-
faction of all spoils and hurts done by them since the first day
of intelligences of the Commissioners, as the Lord Deputy shall
nominate and appoint for that purpose.
FROM SPANISH ARMADA TO THE PEACE OF 1589. 235
5. They shall pay svich fine to the use of her Majesty, for their
undutiful breaking out into action of rebellion, as the Lord
Deputy shall lay down.
6. All which being performed by the said Sir Moroghe and the rest
according to the express meaning hereof, then they and every
of them to have her Majesty's gracious general pardon for
their offences past. In witness whereof we the Lord Deputy
and the rest of her Majesty's Council have hereunto put our
hands, and for the better accomplishment of the premises, the
said Sir Moroghe and the rest abovenamed, in behalf of them-
selves and the rest of their confederates, have likewise here-
unto put their hands. At Gal way the 20th June, in the 31
year of the reign of our sovereign Lady Elizabeth, by the
Grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland,
Defender of the Faith, &c. In the presence of the Arch-
bishop of Tuam, the Earl of Clanricard, the Bishop of Kildare,
the Bishop of Elfin, the Bishop of Kilmacoughe, the Lord
Birmingham, the Lox'd of Trimlaston, the Baron of Donkallin,
Sir Hubert Burke, M'Davie, Knight, the Mayor and
Aldermen of Galway, and divers others whose names, are
thereupon endorsed.
" William Burke the Blind Abbot's mark y^. Sir Moroghe ne doe
O'Flartie's mark )(. Walter Kiltagh Burke's mark y^. Dualtaghe
O'Connor's mark )^. Tig roe O'Mayley's mark)(. Walter ne Mully's
markX- Edm. M'Tibbott's mark X- Tibbott M'Gibbon's mark X-
Shane M'Morice's mark X- Shane M'Thomas's mark X-
" John Armachan. Thomas Midensis. Robert Dillon. Lucas
Dillon. Thos. Le Strange. Geofrey Fenton.
" Subscribed by the parties within named, and they solemnly swore
upon the holy Evangelists, as well for the performance of the peace,
and all and every the articles within contained, as for their loyalties
and duties to her Majesty henceforth ; and for payment of her
Majesty's composition money, in the presence of those whose names
are underwritten.
" W. Tuamensis. U. Clanricard. Peter Trimelston. R. Dunkellin.
Ed. Athenry. Thomas Dillon. Andrew Morris, Mayor of Galway.
Ricard Burke. Nath. Dillon. Will. Bowen. Will. Martin, Sheriff
of the Co. of Galway. Dominick Browne. Era. Sheres. Edw. Bir-
mingham. George Morice, Bailiff of Galway." ^
The peace appears a triumph of moderate policy which secured its
ends by peaceful suasion, and brought the whole of Mayo and lar
Connaught to obedience to the law by willing consent of the rebels,
but it has a different appearance when the light of contemporary
circumstances and of subsequent events is turned on it.
1 Brit. Mus. Cottou, Titus B, xiii. f. 446.
23G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The rebels did nothing beyond kneeling in church with a petition
and asreeing to terms for future fulfilment. An Irish chieftain's
submission was nothing unless he gave good hostages. When he
came to submit he left them behind him on his departure. None
were given now. Some seem to have been given later, but by minor
rebels. The Blind Abbot gave none, though he was head of the
rebellion, as chief of the Lower Bourkes and claimant of the Mac-
Williamship. When his hostages were demanded in October he
denied that he had ever promised to give them. The submission was
not real.
The rebels were left in possession. The queen's law and her
officers were withdrawn from their country, and Sir Richard was
forbidden to use force against them or O'Rouik who had not made
peace, and was forbidden to hold sessions or circuit of assize until
FitzWilliam should come again himself and hold them in every
county. On their side the rebels acted as if they had made no peace.
Within a fortnight they had broken down three of Theobald Dillon's
castles, and had robbed his brother's house, and robbery and violence
were unchecked.
The circumstances and events of the following months point to a
secret agreement of FitzWilliam and the rebels, that they should
make the submission and peace, and that he should not enforce the
conditions, and should procure the removal of Sir Richard Bingham.
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE PERSECUTION OP SIR RICHARD BINGHAM AND THE
SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION.
From this peace dates Sir W. FitzWilliam's determination to pro-
cure an unjust condemnation of Sir R. Bingham for misgovernment.
His visit to Connaught must have shown him that none could be
procured justly. To compass this end he appointed the late com-
missioners foi' this peace, and Francis Barkley and Fowle as com-
missioners for trial of Sir Richard upon the charges and complaints
made in the report of the first set of commissioners, and in the
Books of Complaints lodged by the rebels. The Archbishop and
Sir Thomas Le Strange have not been accused of hostility to Sir
Richard. The Bishop of Meath, and Sir R. Dillon, and the two
new commissioners could be relied on to convict of a false charge
on false evidence. Barkley had made false charges in 1586. Fowle
is called an open enemy of Sir Richard. This commission drew
from Sir Francis Walsingham a letter of rebuke and condemnation
of the endeavours to procure a conviction by means of enemies, and
a warning that it was no unknown thing for a deputy to be accused
himself.
The queen's government ordered that the trial be held in Dublin,
before the Lord Deputy and Council, except the Bishop of Meath
and Sir R. Dillon, and before holding sessions in Connaught. The
orders were disregarded as long as possible. In September the Lord
Deputy had held the sessions, and had given copies of only parts
of the complaints. The delays were caused by the impossibility of
making out a case. Those who had lodged complaints took no
further interest in them. At last FitzWilliam had to give the
copies, Sir Richard put in answers, and the trial began on the Sth
November, and continued during that month. Acquittal on all
points was recorded on the 4th December, and was published next
day.
As nothing was proved against the governor, it is needless to
dwell on the complaints and trial, which have been treated at length
in the *' Galway Archaeological and Historical Society's Journal," Vol.
iv., p. 161. The result established Sir Richard's discretion, honesty,
justice, and fairness.
237
238 THE EAKLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
FitzWilliam ignored the petition for redress, but two points deserve
notice. It is not quite clear what is meant by the demand for
" qualification of the extremity of martial law ; " probably the same
thing as the complaint made in April of hanging of gentlemen of
land and living by mai-tial law; and their desire was in that case
that such further restriction should be put upon its use as would
exempt gentlemen of the rank of Walter Fada's sons and Justin
MacDonnell from being dealt with.
When Sir Richard came to the government of Connaught every
sheriff had a commission for martial law. These were withdrawn,
and a commission was given to the chief commissioner only.
Execution by martial law did not mean execution by the mere
order of the governor. Offenders were tried and convicted upon
evidence, and the sentence was carried into execution by a warrant
under the hand of the chief commissioner and one or more of his
council. It applied only to cases of treason or felony, when the
offender owned less than 40s. a year of freehold land or £10 of
goods. The object of this restriction was to secure for the treasury
the benefit of the forfeiture which followed upon conviction after
trial by the common law.
Sir Richard denied that those three men owned any lands or
goods of their own. Men might hold high position in an Irish tribe,
and have no land and no property of their own worth mentioning.
They had but a general right with other members of the family ;
they were not in the habit of farming themselves, and lived upon
the tenants or subjects of their family. The English land tenures
did not prevail generally in JNlayo as yet. Though the sons of
Walter Fada were allowed free land by the indenture of com-
position, their houses are not named, and it is very likely that no
part of the land belonging to the family of David Bourke had been
assigned to them.
Execution by martial law was not the same as military execution
in the field. Rebels in arms and enemies taken prisoners, not
having surrendered upon terms, were put to death or reserved at
the discretion of the officer commanding on the spot. Usually
they were put to death, vinless the I'ank or proj)erty of any one
made hiiu woi'th keeping foi' supeiioi' ordei'S, or for trial by the
common law.
The demand that no one be dispossessed of lands by provincial
oi-der without trial by law, and that such as have been dispossessed
be restored, seems to be a version of Walter ne Mully's complaint
made to the commissioners in April, that Bowen and Garvey had
dispossessed him of two castles, regarding which Sir R. Bingham
replied that these matters had theii' course in law in open sessions.
THE PERSECUTION OF SIR RICHARD BINGHAM. 239
He denied that any man's land had been taken from him unhxwfully.
If such a thing had ever occurred, it could have been proved easily.
The redress desired appears to have been the abolition of the local
court, whose operation could not be other than displeasing to men
who had been subject to no legal jurisdiction. The petition must
have been drawn up for the rebels, and cast into such form as their
advisers thought best. The rebels could not have drawn it up in
English as it was put in.
Unable to remove Sir Richard from office, Fitz William did what
served the rebels better than the substitution of one governor for
another, — restrained Sir Richard from interfering with them, and left
them in a state of independence for seven months moi-e.
The damage done by the Bourkes before and after the peace up
to the end of August was calculated at =£15,809, according to claims
made, which were probably exaggerated, but, on the other hand, a
very great deal of damage must have been done and petty robbery
which was not reported.
The Lord Deputy went to Munster in August, and came by
Limerick through Clare to Gal way on 2nd September. Sir M.
O'Flaherty came in, and gave Gal way merchants' bonds for his
composition.
On the 8th September and following days he held a sessions at
Kilmaine. Six principal men of the Bourkes attended, but the
Blind Abbot, Walter Kittagh, and Shane MacTibbot, for themselves
and all the Bourkes and Clandonnells in genei'al, sent a letter of
excuse that they were engaged against the Scots in Erris.
During this circuit FitzWilliam was trying to find matter against
Sir Richard and his officers. Presentments were made in sessions
for supplies taken up, ,£250 against Sir Richard, and =£2000 against
Fitz William's train. These were only ex parte statements, not
findings on evidence, but they throw light on the conditions of
the country owing to the explanations which followed.
As regards presentments made against him, it appears that Sir
Richard's method was to pay ready money for all his own supplies.
It was impossible to carry on the queen's service at this time
unless officers were allowed to take up supplies for which they
gave bills. He paid these bills out of the officers' allowances or
the revenues.
Some of the presentments against him were in respect of 205
cattle given to him as a wedding present Avhen he returned to
Ireland in 1588, having been married in England. Lord Clanricard
and others certified that the presentment had been made unjustly
at Galway in respect of 50 cattle which they had given freely,
and P. Barrett and Walter Kittagh Bourke declared that they
240 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
had given some cows freely from Tirawley. A list shows that none
of the rebels had given anything.
Fitz\\'illiam alleged that his train paid ready money, and that
the officers gave bills for the soldiers. These bills had not been
paid in November, nor had he paid for what he took on his passage
into Ulster the year before.
He had no money while in Galway in June, and complained that
the merchants would not lend him more than £200, which he got
with fair speeches, but " harder speeches and threatening " failed
to extiact more. Sir J. Perrot had not paid for some of his supplies
even in 1595. The Lord Deputy's presence therefore was a heavy
burden on the country.
In the first week of September seven galleys with 400 to 600 Scots
" of the sept of the Barrones " came to Erris under guidance of one
of Grace O'Malley's sons, having been made believe that the Bourkes
would engage them. At this moment the Bourkes did not want
them. The Lord Depvity, with a large force, was on his way to their
country, and engagement of these fighting men would have been a
declaration of war. Their immediate anxiety was to get the Lord
Deputy out of the province as soon as possible.
A quarrel ensued, and the Scots came to blows with their guides.
They plundered the country and killed several hundreds of cattle, and
took away the hides and tallow.
From Kilmaine FitzWilliam went on to Sligo. In that county
some Galway merchants in his train were robbed of ^660 worth of
goods, and Sir Robert Dillon lost his horse. After Sligo he held
sessions in Roscommon, and thence went out of Connaught. Even
before he left it the Blind Abbot spoiled Theobald Dillon's lands in
Costello, and other bands robbed in lar Connaught.
The Bourkes threw off the pretence of obedience to the queen
in the beginning of October. They would not let any Englishman
or civil person — that is, any Irishman who lived according to
English custom — live among them, and re-established their old
customs.
On the 15th October William Bourke was made MacWilliam on
Rausakeera, near Kilmaine, with the visual Irish forms. MacTibbot
handed him the rod and called him MacWilliam. In 1595 Theobald
Bourke was inaugui-ated at the same place and proclaimed by Mac-
Tibbot. These are the only references to the place or form of
inauguration of MacWilliam Eighter. As Rausakeera (Rath Essa
Caerach) is but an ordinary fort, it is likely to have been in yet
earlier times the inauguration place of the chiefs of the Conmaicne.
Marcus Mac an Ab was made MacDonnell.
Disorder was so great that no man of importance dared to live out
SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION. 241
of a castle. The castle of Lough Mask was taken from Coraerford's
garrison for Mac William. They attacked but failed to take Thomas
Nolan's castle. They plundered John Browne of the Neale, a nephew
probably of the late sheriff, T. Chaloner, Edw. Birmingham and
Miles Kavanagh, and William Bourke of Shrule, and llnaidhri
O'Flaherty in Moycullen.
The Blind Abbot received FitzWilliam's envoys, Theobald Dillon,
Lord Athenry, and MacDavid, on the •22nd October, refused to
give pledges, and denied that he had promised them to the Lord
Deputy.
Early in November Robuck French went to arrange for the
composition rent and got satisfactory assurances ; the Blind Abbot
and some gentlemen even went to a parley hill and there ordered
the collectors to make payment, but it is not recorded that any one
paid rent. They promised to submit themselves to the queen and
Lord Deputy.
In his desire to please and pacify, the Blind Abbot wrote a letter
dated at Donamona on the 22nd of November, protesting that he
assumed the name of MacWilliam in loyalty and zeal for the queen's
service, to enable him to restore the proceeds of robbei'y in other
counties which might have been brought into Mayo.
" I understand you are highly offended with me for taking the
name of MacWilliam upon me. I have done the same by the counsel
of some of the bad people of this country, whereby I might make
restitution of certain stealths supposed to have come into the country,
if that the same might be justly proved, without which or other
authority I could not do it. I did not take the said name upon me
for any evil intent, but for the purpose aforesaid. And if the same
be done by me rashly and contrary to my duty, I humbly submit
myself to your honour, and would have come myself to you to make
my submission if that I had the means to bear my charges. And I
do provide for the same and will come to your honour as soon as I
can. And for the taking of Ballyloughmask, I will be ready to yield
it up again. Hoping your honour will have some pity of my being
the eldest of my name and best in the country, and will be as bene-
ficial to me as to other Irish lords, I take my leave." ^
The patience of the English Government was exhausted now. The
queen wrote herself to Fitz William, expressing her displeasure at the
Bourkes' rebellion and restoration of the MacWilliamship, and order-
ing him to assist Sir Richard Bingham to suppress the rebels.
The trial of Sir Richard was now nearly over. He was acquitted
of all charges on the 4th December and was ordered to go to
Connaught ; but in spite of the queen's orders, he was not yet let
i S.P.I.K, CXLVIIL 19.
Q
242 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
meiUlle with the rebels, who were still in arms and plundering as
usual.
Fit/, William stiirted for Galway on the 16th, and had about 1500
men there at the end of the month, besides the forces of the Earls of
Clanricard and Thomond.
About this time 500 rebels were encamped near Roscommon,
having burnt and robbed many towns in the plains of Connaught.
Edmund Macllichard an larainn and Coagh O'Madden, two important
pledges, escaped from Galway. Two MacCostellos were killed in
Slievemurry by an O'Kelly, whom they must have gone to rob, as
the O'Kellys did not join the rebels, and this was only a week before
Christmas.
The Lord Deputy issued a proclamation on the 23rd December at
Galway, inviting the rebels to come in and treat by the 12th January.
As it said nothing about their returning, they justly suspected and
did not come in, except Sir M. O'Flaherty, who was seized because
he refused to give a son as a pledge, and O'Dowda, who was seized to
make him surrender Castleconor to the queen and give better pledges.
FitzWilliam sent his envoys to persuade the rebels to come. First
Robert Fowle and James Lynch reported that the Blind Abbot and
others would not come in, saying that they could not provide thirty-
eight pledges, and that if the best of them came in they would never
get out, and that they could not control the country without a chief,
by whatever name. The Blind Abbot, Walter ne Mully, and Edmund
Bourke of Cong and others asked for a safe conduct to come and
return.
Upon receipt of this report, dated 4th January, FitzWilliam sent
out Thomas Dillon, Nich. Lynch, and Theobald Dillon, who reported
on the 10th that they held a conference at Rosserrilly with the
Blind Abbot, Walter Kittagh, Edmund and Walter ne Mully Bourke,
and about ] 00 others, who kept on the west side of the river, refusing
to come into Galway except on protection with liberty to withdraw.
The first three wrote to that effect on the 10th.
On 12th January commission was given to Sir R. Bingham to
prosecute the rebels and command the forces. Sir Murrough and
O'Dowda were left in his hands, to be dealt with at his discretion,
with their own consent, when the Lord Deputy and Council left
Galway. Richard Og MacJonyn and some O'Kellys and others
were apprehended as a precaution. This Richard Og appears in
many records of the time, and seems to have had considerable
influence.
About this time the Blind Abbot's sons made a raid into Airtech.
On their return they attacked the castle of Bennfada in North
Costello and burnt the town.
SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION. 243
Sir Richard assembled a fox-ce at Cong, mustering 809 soldiers and
228 kerne on the 1st February. The Earl of Thomond " footed it in
the mountains " with Sir Richard, and the Earl of Clanricard also
did good service. The force was small but ample for the service.
Sir Richai-d thus describes the rebels to whom FitzWilliam had been
suing for peace : —
" The whole force which the Burkes could make were not 900 men,
whereof the one half were churls, only armed with Gallowglass axes.
We would have encountered 3000 of them such as they, for God
knoweth they were most badly furnished, and very rags to look
upon, but the manner of the country is to double or treble every-
thing upon like occasion. If all the Irishry in Connaught were out
in rebellion, both earls and others, they were not able to make 3000
men to serve. The sons of Edmund Burke of Castlebarry are in
the Low Countries with Stanley." ^
This is the last we hear of Edmund's sons. They were the first
Bourkes who went to serve abroad with the queen's enemies. Sir
William Stanley had deserted from her army.
On the 3rd February the force moved to Bellanaloob, where some
MacDonnells opened communications, and on the 6th to Castlebar,
where a prisoner disclosed an intended ambush at Barnagee. A few
shots were fired into the camp. Next day as they moved down
Barnagee about four hundred rebels made a feeble attack on the
rear, and were driven off by a discharge of shot. The halt seems
to have been made near the foot of the pass. The march from
Castlebar must have been very laborious in those days.
On the 8th they got into Tirawley. Seven horsemen had been
following at a distance, knowing that Sir Richard had no cavalry.
Five of Lord Thomond's kerne chased three or four rebel kerne who
were crossing a bog, not seeing the horsemen, who suddenly charged
upon them, killing one and wounding another. One of the kerne,
^being almost overtaken, turned and dealt a stroke with his sword
which nearly cut off the horseman's foot at the ankle, and so escaped
unhurt. The horseman was the Blind Abbot, and his companions
were Walter Kittagh, Edmund MacRicaird an larainn, and four other
men of rank.
The Blind Abbot was taken to an island in Lough Con, where a
surgeon cut the foot off. Thus ended William Bourke's pretension
to the chieftainship. Being now insignificant. Sir Richard never
troubled about him again, and he got his pardon like the rest. The
last we hear of him is that he died in September 1598 in Thomond,
and was buried in Quin Abbey.
The Bourkes and their allies had now lost heart. As the soldiers
1 S.P.I.E., CLL 8L
244 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
entered Tirawley they burnt their own towns and corn before them.
Sir Richard marched by Ballysakeery into the Laggan, burning what
corn the rebels left, so that their losses in this matter came in the
whole to 1200 ricks or so. Some 400 to 500 cows were collected.
On the 11th Alexander MacHugh Boy MacDonnell submitted un-
conditionally, and gave his son as a pledge. The Clandonnells,
dependants of the Bourkes, gave up when they found that the
Bourkes would not fight.
The soldiers marched into the mountains of Erris on the 12th, and
got there 1600 cows, which were much wanted as food. On the 16th
they reached Burrishoole.
On the 18th Captain St. Leger took half the forces into MacPhilip's
country (MacPhilpin's?), met 120 Gallowglasses, slew many and chased
the rest, and slew the churls and took 70 cows. Next day Sir Richard
took the other half of the forces into the other half of the fastness,
took 100 cows, and slew churls, women, and children.
Lord Clanricard and others with their horsemen took 400 cows
from Gallen, and slew some rebels. The English of Roscommon and
the queen's men under Captain John Bingham and others slew 12
rebels and took 300 cows.
This fastness must have been the wild, rough country north and
west of Castlebar. Mountain, or bog, or high wood was not considered
to be a fastness, however difficult to travel over, but rough country
covered with brakes of thorn, hazels, briars, and the like tangled
growth, where quantities of cattle and men could lurk and not be
found easily.
On the 22nd Feragh MacDonnell came on behalf of all MacWilliam's
men to sue for peace, which was promised, and he was ordered to meet
the Governor at Castlecarra. Next day Edmund MacRicaird an
larainn and other septs sent to treat for peace. He and Marcus
Mac an Ab MacDonnell and Feragh MacDonnell came in to treat.
Edmund made his peace. Marcus was left as a pledge.
On the 21st February Sir Richard was at Togher again, and ready^
after resting his men, to take the field in spite of the hardships of the
winter campaign, which in his opinion punished rebels far more than
they could be punished in summer. The queen's troops were badly
supplied ; the rebels were not supplied at all. But the rebels were
now all dispersed, and were craving mercy in earnest. The Bourkes
and Clandonnells submitted wholly to the conditions which he imposed,
of w^hich we know only that the Bourkes were to pay a fine for their
rebellion. By the 10th March all the septs of Mayo which had been
in rebellion had been received into the queen's peace, and had engaged
to pay all the charges of the war. These were not to be imposed on
them alone, but also on those countries which had risen.
SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION. 245
The costs of the rebellions were :—
War against Bourkes and Scots in 1586 . . . £1476 3 4
others in 1589-1590 . . 3296 17 6
After the peace was made, but before she knew of it, Grace O'Malley
took two or three cargo-boats to the Isles of Arran and robbed some
of Sir Thomas Le Sti-ange's men to the value of 20 marks. Richard
Bourke, her son-in-law, was put in charge of her until she restored
the plunder and made good the damages.
Peace being established in Mayo, Sir Richard sent forces against
O'Rourk, who fled first to Ulster and afterwards to Scotland. The
Sligo and Roscommon rebels were feeble and gave no trouble.
In September the Governor reported that Walter Kittagh, Walter
ne Mully, Ednmnd of Cong, and other Bourkes and the Clandonnells
had met him at Gal way, and that the Bourkes had paid the composition
rent and a fine for revolt. He suggested that the costs should be
charged on the Bourkes and the countries which joined them — lar
Connaught, the Joys' country, Tireragh, O'Conor Roe's and O'Rourk's
countries.
When peace was fully restored garrisons were put in Cong, Greg-
more near Kilmaine, Bellanaloob, and Castle ne Gye, which is
pi'obably the castle on the shore in Kilcummin parish.
CHAPTEli XXVII.
FROM 1590 TO 1595.
At the end of May 1591 seven hundred Scots, under Angus MacEllin
or Campbell and Rory jNIacE ISTeill Barre, landed in Erris from thirteen
galleys. The Bourkes of Sliocht Ulick went forward to meet them,
sending word to John Bingham, the sheriff, and asking him to help.
He went forward to help them. Sir Richard wrote for another band
of soldiers, as it was not safe to go into Erris with a small force, lest
the Bourkes and Scots should combine against it.
The Bourkes drove the Scots away before any help reached them,
killing forty, among whom were Owen M'E Neill Barre and a son of
MacLeod. The Bourkes lost Richard and Thomas, sons of the Blind
Abbot, and John MacMeyler Oge MacGibbon, killed ; David and
Meyler, sons of Ulick Bourke of Erris, and eighteen followers of
Sliocht Ulick were severely wounded. This action was on the 2nd
June 1591.
When the Bourkes thus successfully defended themselves from
robbers, it was for their own benefit, and not from a law-abiding
spirit. Sir Richard's doubts were soon justified.
His brother, Captain John Bingham, had been employed in command
of a company since Sir Richard came to Connaught. Somewhat
before this time he settled at Cloonagashel, which he had bought.
He had bought also the lease of Edmund Bourke's forfeited Castlebar
estate for 100 cows and the unpaid rent of <£5 a year since 1586, fi-om
Bryan FitzWilliam, the Lord Deputy's brother. In April 1591 he
was made Sheriff of Mayo. He was now arranging to rebuild Castle-
bar, which the Bourkes had broken down. Judging by Downing's
description, written in 1585, as a large bawn containing two round
towers or castles and a dwelling-house, it was of considerable size and
suitable for a garrison, and we find that Sir Richard proposed later on
that it should be occupied for the queen. After restoration Captain
Bingham held it by a ward of twelve Englishmen. Occupation by an
English sheriff and his men would put a very unpleasant restraint
upon the Sleight Ulick Bourke, which they sought to prevent by
murdering Captain Bingham.
Under colour of going to see a duel arranged to be fought in June
24G
FROM 1590 TO 1595. 247
between "William Bourke of Ardnarea, son of Sir Jolin, and Alexander
MacDonnell, son of Hugh Boy, in which William was killed, they
collected some four hundred men and waylaid Captain Bingham about
the 20th June, at a place eleven miles from Cloonagashel, as he went
to Castlebar with sixty of the garrison foot- soldiers. Their attack
was a disastrovis failure. They wounded one man slightly with a
bullet. Eight of their men were killed ; thirty-five were seriously
wounded ; the rest fled. They were so cowed that they begged for
mercy, which the Governor and Council granted, exacting only some
better conditions than were made at the last peace, and taking as
pledge the eldest son of Ulick of Erris. All was finished in a week.
Not want of courage but want of discipline was the cause of this
pitiful display. The soldiers would be of the best in Ireland, the
permanent company of Connaught, trained under the Governor's eye.
On the other side was a mob of country gentlemen and their de-
pendents, armed with swords, spears, and axes, and only a few
muskets.
At the end of the year Sir Richard induced five Spaniards and one
Italian to leave the Bourkes and go to their own country. Sir W.
FitzWilliam imprisoned them in Dublin, in breach of conditions of
surrender.
Walter Kittagh, the chief of the Tirawley Bourkes, died towards
the end of the year, and Walter ne Mully was murdered at night by
his brother David's son Edmund and some MacDonnells. He had
been for some years the most active, though not the senior, of the
Sliocht Walter Bourkes. Thus in one year these names and that of
the Blind Abbot disappear from the history of Mayo.
Sir R. Bingham's letters of this time show that he was intent on
the improvement of the social and matei-ial condition of the country.
He saw the difl&culty of inducing the people to abandon their old
habits and submit to the restraints of law and order. Faults had
been found with the composition, and he earnestly deprecated tamper-
ing with it, preferring to tolerate those faults rather than unsettle
men's minds. He writes that by Connaught custom tenants may
remove from one landlord to another. Hence uncertainty of com-
position, as it is not on waste, and some people keep a certain extent
waste from Lady Day to Michaelmas as winterage, so that the
composition is short for a half-year. Moreover, the tenants prefer the
free land. The only remedy was the reduction of the greatness of the
septs, as all rebellions of the Bourkes and others are due to their
dislike of the abolition of Brehon Law, and the composition cannot be
certain until the freeholders lease their lands to their tenants and so
stop the yearly flitting.
The work in hand was to produce a state of security, to protect the
2 48 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
tenants from the oppression which they had to endure under the
practice of the great men going about with gangs of armed men
and living on them. To make the composition insecure would have
withdrawn the foundation of his work.
Early in 1592 a sessions was held in Mayo at which MacTibbot and
Moyler Oge Bourke were tried and executed for offences not named,
but such incidents as the murder of Walter ne Mully, which is recorded,
were not unusual events of those days. Two others were imprisoned.
Regarding these he writes : " I hope, by little and little, that country
will come to a very good reformation, for indeed if a few of their old
practisers and principal ringleaders were taken away, that country
would be brought to as good terms of obedience as the English Pale." ^
The bishops O'Hely and O'Boyle on the Ulster side, trying to raise
rebellion in Connaught in aid of Hugh Roe O'Donnell and promising
foreign help to come, failed to gain adhesion of any of the Mayo septs
except the Sliocht Ulick, who were trying to buy Castlebar from
Captain Bingham that the Governor's intention of restoring it might
come to naught. They entered into communication with O'Donnell
and took up an attitude of hostility to the Government. Hemmed
in by quiet baronies, they had to confine themselves to their own
countries, and could do no more than throw down a few stones of the
broken castles of Kinturk and Castlebar.
Sir Richard went to Cloonagashel at the end of May to hold sessions
for Mayo, suppress this rebellion, and arrange for the restoration and
the garrisoning of Castlebar. Most of the chief gentlemen of Kil-
maine, Clanmorris, Costello, Gallen, and Tirawley attended, a sign of
peaceable intentions. Sir M. O'Flaherty had offered his services
against the Bourkes if needed. Lords Clanricard and Athenry,
Justice Thomas Dillon, Nicholas Mordant, John Bingham, and Gerald
Comerford, Councillors, were present.
On Friday before 1st July the Bourkes wrote for a safe conduct
for some of them to come in to treat for peace, which was given.
They agreed among themselves to come in and submit, but at this
point some friends of Feragh MacDonnell, who was then awaiting
trial on a capital charge, on which he was tried and executed, per-
suaded the Bourkes to rescue him before doing so. Some of the
principal MacDonnells thereupon forsook them.
They came to the castle by night and attacked an hour before day-
light. The watch beat them off with the help of a few soldiers who
were sleeping outside in the trenches, only sixteen men being engaged
before the Bourkes fled, of whom five were wounded. The Bourkes
had six men killed and fourteen or so wounded. One of their
MacDonnells was left with a broken thigh.
1 S.P.I.E., CLXIV. 26.
FROM 1590 TO 1595. 249
Next day the Bourkes asked for safe conduct to treat, which was
sent to them. They were not yet in earnest and refused to give
good pledges, seeking to gain time, as they hoped for help from
O'Donnell, to whom they sent a son of the Blind Abbot and a
MacDonnell.
O'Donnell's submission in first week of August put them on their
resources, which they hoped to strengthen by hiring O'Donnell's Scots.
On the other hand, Sir Richard did not intend to take the field until
some fortification which he was making there was finished, when he
purposed to suppress the rebellion and re-edif}^ Castlebar to hold a
garrison. The work was finished, and he moved to Gweeshadan at
the end of the second week of August, where he was for some time,
hoping to effect a peace. The operations after this are best told in
his letter of 25th September,^ which I have abstracted slightly in
parts : —
"Though after their attack upon us here in Sessions the Bourkes
affected a desire for peace, yet they refused reasonable terms, being
fed with hopes by O'Donnell and the Popish bishops James O'Hely
and Neale O'Boyle, and trusting to a combination with him. I inter-
cepted a bag of Irish letters carried hence from the Burkes to O'Donnell
by O'Donnell's own Gallowglass, and sundry letters to the said two
Popish Bishops, to whose judgment the Burkes offered to stand in all
things betwixt them and Hugh Roe O'Donnell. It appeared from
the letters that O'Donnell had promised to come hither to join the
Burkes, and they said they would never submit again to any foreigners.
But as Hugh Roe performed nothing and I drew near they by degrees
began to make good offers. I had arranged for two baiks, one of a
good burthen owned by Valentine Blake of Galway, with four or five
great boats or pinnaces to meet me at Burrishoole. I lay long at
Gissadan, and finding the Burkes would not come to terms, I gathered
the forces which I had prepared with assistance of the Earl of Clan-
ricard, Theobald Dillon, and marched towards the mountains.
"The very first day I removed from Gissadan towards the Burkes,
the captains of their Gallowglasses, viz. Tirlough Roe MacMarcus and
Phelim MacMarcus, the best of all the Clandonnells, came in to me
upon their knees, offering to stand to what conditions soever myself
and the rest (in Her Majesty's behalf) should prescribe, and being
thereupon received, they would not depart from me in many days
after. Then the Burkes seeing the Clandonnells to have forsaken
them, Edmund Burke MacRichard an larainn (the best of the sept of
Ulick) came in great haste in to us the same day, offering in the
behalf of all the rest to perform all such conditions as on Her Majesty^s
behalf should be required of them, so the prosecution might be for-
1 S.P.I.E., CLXYI. 66.
250 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
borne and the Burkes received into Her Majesty's protection. This
submission was accepted, and we diverted with all the forces, and
took our next way to Burrishoole, forbearing in our march to commit
any kind of spoil.
" At Burrishoole we met our shipping, and so continued there two
nights all together. The shipping had done great service, for the
same had cleared all their islands. From Burrishoole we removed
to Cahernamart, whither our boats came to us, and from thence to
Aghagower in the Ovvles ; and at this place Tibbot Burke MacRichard
an larainn came in to us, and agreed unto all things for the Burkes,
O'Malleys, and Clangibbons to be received into Her Majesty's mercy
and protection, laying in his foster-father Edmund MacTibbot and
one Tibbot MacGibbon to remain as pledges till the other pledges for
the several septs should be brought in, and the other conditions be
performed at full.
" Here we had somewhat to do with the Burkes, for that they would
needs have had the sept of the Joys upon their peace (as they termed
it), which myself would in no sort allow of. For indeed those Joys
are a people that lie in the greatest fastness, I think, within all
Ireland, for mountain, wood, and bog, between the Burkes and
O'Flahertys, and are challenged to be followers of the O'Flahertys.
But in the end the Burkes were content to leave the Joys to deal for
themselves, and promised to serve against the Joys if need were.
" The chiefest conditions laid down to the Burkes were these, viz.
that every principal sept should lay in a separate pledge, namely, the
Burkes by themselves, the Clangibbons by themselves, and so in like
sort the O'Malleys, as also the Clandonnells, by which we have divided
them one from another. And upon all these septs (for of each name
there are divers septs) we shall have nine or ten pledges. They are
to pay 1500 marks towards cost of soldiers specially raised. And
within a certain time they are to make restitution of spoils com-
mitted on any of Her Majesty's subjects since 1588. They had done
no pennyworth of harm since this action began.
" Thence we marched to Ballynonagh on the side of Lough Mask,
where the Joys came and submitted upon like terms, and to pay 500
marks as their share of charges of the action.
" Thus the pacification was brought about within eight days. Weak
as these septs are, no temporising will bring them to obedience once
they stand upon terms. Whatever grace is offered them and not
sought by themselves, they impute it to Her Majesty's weakness
to suppress them, and to their own strength and likelihood to
prevail.
" But in very truth the rebellions of these people are carried still in
the policy of three or four of their chief men, which in time of peace
FROM 1590 TO 1595. 251
do live by the spoil of the rest under them, and in time of stirs do
maintain their greatness, the inferior people and such as have any
goods of their own being tractable enongh to live in obedience.
Namely, I find the Devil's Hook's son, Edmund MacTlichard an
larainn, and Tibbot MacRichard an larainn to be men of no posses-
sions, or to have of any goods so much as half a dozen cows apiece,
and yet in the peaceablest time that is, every one of them has daily
attending on him twenty or thirty loose knaves, which he maintains
upon the inhabitants of the country. And the way to reform this
must be, as I take it, to lay here and there amongst them such small
garrisons or wards as shall be able to match the loose and ill men,
and defend the better sort against the tyrannies of the others ; and
then will he that has wealth" and goods of his own be glad to depend
on the State (finding the sweet thereof) and to put his hand to weed
out the evil members. As I hope in God ere long be such a course
shall be taken as henceforth your honour shall not hear so much of
the name of the Burkes.
" Since my coming to this country now I have repaired this castle
called Cloonagashel, and another castle in Carra called Gissaden,
where I have placed a ward, and had masons and workmen ready to
have gone in hand with the building up of Castlebarry as the only
place to settle a garrison in, whereby to divide the Burkes and Clan-
donnells for ever. But this extreme wet weather coming on so sud-
denly, I was forced to foi'bear it till March next.
" After the fine of 2000 marks is taken, which the soldiers are now
collecting, I will go to Galway for Sessions, and thence to Dublin
about my accounts."
By the 28th September 1000 cows had been paid towards the fine,
valued at one mark apiece.
The final conditions of peace were delivered to the Bourkes at
Cahernamart on the 6th, and were accepted by them on the 8th
September at Aghagower, being as follows : —
That every principal man, as the Devil's Hook's son, Edmund
MacRickard en Erin, O'Malley, and Ulick Burke of Erris, with the
rest, shall in person submit themselves to Her Majesty before us,
before they be received into mercy.
That every principal man have a protection alone for himself and
his company by particular name.
That 1500 cows be presently answered before the forces be dis-
charged.
That the Joys be wholly left to deal for themselves, and not be
received upon the peace concluded with the Burkes.
That the O'Harts, O'Dowds, and all strangers, be presently sun-
252 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
dered from tlie Buikes, and have several protections by themselves
to repair to their own dwellings.
That several pledges lie for every sept, and not any sept to depend
upon another sept, but all upon Her Majesty only.
That all challenges after six months be made good to any of Her
Majesty's good subjects which have grown since Michaelmas 1588.
The terms were easy but were enforced. The last clause was not
ignored, though details of effect do not appear. Sir Richard after
this appears engaged in cutting down exorbitant claims.
Edmund and Tibbot Burke, and the Blind Abbot, and Tirlagh Roe,
and Felim MacDonnell are recorded to have submitted personally.
Richard, the Devil's Hook's son, who " challenged a special reputa-
tion in that he bad never come in before any English officer," fled to
Ulster with some other Bourkes. The affair was wound up by the
order of the Lord Deputy and Council, on the 20th February 1593,
for a general pardon of all persons in the county of Mayo, except
Theobald MacWalter Kittagh Bourke, Richard Bourke M'Doyll
O'Coran, Edmund duffe MacJordan, and Crobar gar, and except any
in prison or on bail to appear, provided they appeared within one
year at a General Sessions in the county, and sought the benefit
of the pardon, paying only 6d., that it might be known to whom the
pardon extended. Accordingly the records show long lists of pardons
from the 7th to 11th March.
Theobald MacRicaird an larainn, better known as Tibbot na Long,
so named because he became to some extent a sea captain, made use
of and owned a ship and went afloat himself, entered into the history
of Mayo at Aghagower, and thereafter played a great part, being the
most influential man of the Sliocht Ulick after the death of his brother
Edmund, and was generally on the queen's side in the rebellions.
His rise marks the decay of the tribal system and the growth of the
civil. His position was due to possession of property. Several of
Sliocht Ulick were his seniors, and under the old conditions would
have been leaders. But his possessions and good abilities made
him a man of great importance. He was brought up under Sir Geoige
Bingham, and spoke and wrote English. He married Meadhbh, called
Maud in English, sister of Donogh O'Conor Sligo. His inheritance
was estimated at 40 quarters in Oarra and Gallen and the Owles.
It does not appear why Edmund MacJordan and the Crobar gar, or
Short Woodcock, who was Richard, son of Ulick, son of David Ban
Bourke, were excepted.
Theobald MacWalter Kittagh was not concerned in the rebellion.
He had been prosecuted by his uncles, Richard and Edmund Bourke,
and condemned in sessions. Sir Richard reprieved him, and pro-
cured a pardon. Hearing of the sessions to be held in Mayo, he
FROM 1590 TO 1595. 253
went into the Pale, and was arrested at Athlone on the day the
sessions broke up in Mayo. He could not have fulfilled, and did not
mean to fulfil, the provisos of the pardon. To have effect, a pardon
had to be brought to the sessions and pleaded. While he was thus
confined at Athlone, Sir Richard applied to the Lord Deputy for a
new pardon, and allowed his wife to visit him, who was supposed to
have conveyed a file to him, whereby he and other prisoners, pledges,
escaped a few days before the 28th September, namely, Edmvmd
Bourke of Tirawley, Henry Keogh MacMorris, Dermot O'Conor, Rory
MacFelim Boy O'Conor.
He fled to O'Donnell, under whose protection he lived in future
with other Mayo and Connaught outlaws.
The effect of these petty revolts and invasions appears in a state-
ment of the quantity of land allowed for in collection of the composi-
tion rent up to Michaelmas 1592 as waste and uninhabited : In Mayo,
392 quarters ; in lar Connaught, 44 quarters ; in Sligo and Bally-
mote, 264 quarters ; in Maughery Connaught, i.e. central Roscom-
mon, 182 quarters; in Clanricard, 8 quarters; in Thomond, 10
quarters.
The receipts of the year were £2700 out of £3164.
Captain John Bingham restored Castlebar in the spring or summer
of 1593.
Early in May the Governor arrested Tibbot na Long, upon infor-
mation that Tibbot had written a letter to Brian Og O'Rourk, offei'ing
to raise Mayo men for joint action with the chiefs of Ulster, if Brian
could keep the war up for a month.
Grace O'Malley went to England in June, and was about the Court
during July and August, a visit which has given rise to well-known
legends. She sought the release of her son Tibbot and her brother
Donnell na Pipee, who had been ai-rested on a charge of being con-
cerned in murdering some soldiers ; the succession of her sons to their
father's lands ; permission for them and Walter and John, grandsons
of Walter Fada Bourke, to sui^render their lands and receive them
back by grant under letters-patent ; and maintenance for herself.
Reference to Ireland occupied some time, but in the end she re-
turned to Ireland with a letter from the queen to Sir R. Bingham
which procured Tibbot's release. The result of her petition appears
in a draft of a letter from the queen to Sir Richard, dated 6th Sep-
tember ,i to this effect : —
Sir Richard has given no just cause of complaint to Sir Murrough
O'Flaherty, Grany ne Maly, and Robuck French, who have to come to
the Court with suits and complaints.
The Queen appx'oves of the favour which Sir Richard has shown to
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. Cal. MSS. of Marquis of Salisbury, pt. iv. p. 368.
254 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
her eldest sou Morogh, who had been dutiful to the Queen when his
mother preyed him with her galleys, and tlesires him to continue to
favour him.
" But the second son Tibbott Burk, one that hath been brought
up civilly with your brother and can speak English, is by you justly
detained, because he hath been accused to have written a letter to
Bryan O'Kork, the late traitor's son, though it cannot be fully proved,
but is by him utterly denied ; and for her brother Donald, he hath
been imprisoned 7 months past, being chai'ged to have been in com-
pany of certain that killed some soldiers in a ward."
As Bingham thinks they may be released upon bonds for good be-
haviour, the queen is content, and the old woman has departed with
great thankfulness. For pity of this aged woman, having no title to
any livelihood or portion of her husband's lands, she desires Sir Richard
to deal with her sons, in the queen's name, to yield her some main-
tenance for the rest of her old years. She has confessed her ill usage
of her son who served the queen, and promises by oath to continue
most dutiful.
Her answers to a set of questions put regarding her petition throw
light on the social condition of chieftain families which is instructive
as coming from one of that class who was free of any tinge of Eng-
lish culture. She tells us that "among the Irishry the widow of a
chieftain never got any thirds. His rent was uncertain, for the most
part extorted." " "Woman is entitled only to her first dowry, for which
her husband has to give security for restitution. Chieftains usually
die in debt, and husbands now and then divorce their wives on pre-
contracts, or even put their wives away without any lawful proceed-
ing and bring in others."
The answers make clear, what could be inferred from other facts,
that Edmund and Walter, sons of Sir Richard, were illegitimate.
This in an Irish tribe mattered nothing. Edmund was certainly the
principal man of the Sliocht Ulick after the Blind Abbot was dis-
abled, and Avould, but for the Indenture of Composition and the
introduction of English law, have become MacWilliam if he lived
long enough.
Walter, son of Tibbot Reagh, son of Walter Fada Bovn-ke, who
was in England with her, returned in September and joined the
rebels in Ulster.
At the end of September 1593 the Governor was leading a strong
force against Maguire. On the night of Thursday before the 30th
September, Richard Bourke passed Sligo on his way to Mayo with
160 men detached from Maguire's force, who soon became 300. He
burnt a town in O'Hara's country and carried off some cattle. This
changed the Governor's plans. He sent off a strong party to operate
FROM 1590 TO 1595. 255
against Maguire, and stayed himself to watch the MacDermots,
O'Rourk, and Feiiagh MacHugh O' Byrne, who had come into Ros-
common from Leinster. The English of Roscommon soon destroyed
all O'Byrne's force except himself and four or five others.
The Governor sent after Richard Bourke his brother John, Theobald
Dillon, and Captain Henry Strete, who intercepted him and killed sixty
of his men. After that, David an Ry Bourke and the Bourkes of
Tirawley attacked him with their own forces and burnt sixty more in a
house. Richard Bourke went into Erris, where he was joined by his
kinsmen under Ulick Bourke of Erris, the principal man of his sept.
Captain Clarke, with two bands of Irish soldiers raised by the Governor,
but commanded and officered by Englishmen, was sent after him, and
pursued him in boats among the islands. He surprised the rebels in
Inishkea, about 120 in all, of whom 80 were able men. Richard and
half-a-dozen escaped in a boat. The rest, finding escape impossible,
stood manfully to it. All were killed or droAvned. Captain Clarke lost
but three or four killed and four wounded. Before this action had
finished Richard's attempt, Tibbot na Long had been released, and
had gone to help in hunting down his rebellious kinsmen. Some thirty
heads of rebel Bourkes and their followers were sent to the Governor
at Cloonagashel. All was over by the middle of November.
In April 1595 Tibbot sent a list of the Bourkes whom he had him-
self slain, as evidence of his loyalty and justification of his applica-
tion for a pension, namely, John MacMeyler of Erris and his three
sons, John Og, Ulick, Antony ; Thomas Ballagh and his brother
David ; Richard MacUlick and his brother Walter ; Richard ; The-
bault Boy ; Thebault MacThomas Duff and his brother Edmond Boy
and his four sons.
David an Ry had twelve months before broken out of Athlone
Castle, where he lay condemned to death for some offence, and had
failed to obtain any conditions from the Governor until he should
do some special service as assurance to the State of his fidelity.
He was now admitted to terms.
Mayo was in peace until after the surrender of Sligo Castle to
O'Donnell in June 1595. No remarkable events are recorded. Small
garrisons were kept in the castles of Cloonagashel, Castlebar, and
Belleek, which had been forfeited by the attainder of Theobald Mac-
Walter Kittagh.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE BREAKDOWN OF GOVERNMENT.
CoxxAUGHT was in peace in the beginning of 1595. O'Donnell made
small raids into Roscommon in March and April, but was driven out
quickly by the Governor, who reported after the second raid that
he could not resist the Ulster invasions with the risings out of
the country, and must have a force of English. The Government,
now much pressed by Ulster affairs, could not keep O'Donnell em-
ployed or give support to Connaught. Thus O'Donnell gained power
and reputation, and the loyalty of Connaught was proportionately
strained.
At this time Sir Richard's cousin. Captain George Bingham, was
stationed in Sligo Castle with his company, in which Ulick, son of
Redmond na Scuab, son of the first Earl of Clanricard, served as
ensign with twenty Clanricard men. On the 3rd June, when Captain
Bingham sat writing in a room of the castle, Ulick Burke and his
men fell on him and murdered him and seven English gentlemen.
They wounded the sheriff, Nicholas Martin, and kept him and his
brother and the wife of one of them as prisoners, probably with a
view to sale for money or terms, as the Martins were nephews of
Sir Richard. The design failed if it was entertained. Sir Richard
seized Ulick's mother and two brothers.
According to O'Clery, who was a contemporary and should have
good information, this treacherous murder was premeditated and
committed with an intention of joining O'Donnell. The murderers
were marked men. One of them, Taylor, was taken prisoner in
Dunboy Castle and was hanged in Cork. Ulick and the others lost
their lives in the course of the wars.
As the Governor could get no help from the Lord Deputy, he w-ent
to Sligo with such force as he could collect — only about 300 men —
arriving about the 18th June, at the same time as O'Donnell, who
came with 300 horse and 500 foot. The Burke prisoners were handed
over to O'Donnell in exchange for the Martins. The castle was given
up to O'Donnell by Ulick Burke. The retreat of the Governor un-
molested by O'Donnell's great force marks the difference of quality.
He cannot have had more than 100 foot and 50 horse of the garrison,
well drilled and ai-med, most of them Englishmen. The rest must
THE BREAKDOWN OF GOVERNMENT. 257
have been recruits of the new companies or some rising out from
Galway. But they were not enough for an attempt to take the
castle or to attack O'Donnell.
This treachery was a great blow to the defence of Con naught, as it
laid open to O'Donnell the best passage to and from the west. Sir
Richard asked for six companies and fifty horse, English, to enable
him to recover Sligo and take Ballyshannon from O'Donnell, and so
prevent incursions. The Lord Deputy, Sir William Russell, pressed
by Tyrone and Ulster, could send him only a few English soldiers.
By the middle of July Richard Bourke and the other fugitive
Bourkes, O'Conors, and MacDermots had returned to their countries,
and it was evident that the government could not protect loyal men
in those parts. Most of the gentlemen of Mayo and Sligo had been
forced to join the rebels, and the O'Conors of Sligo and the MacDermots
were out. In August 1400 rebels were out in Connaught besides
those from Ulster. The governor believed that the earls and others
who were still loyal would remain so if the queen's army were strong.
But the new English companies Avere much wasted already.
In August the government held in Sligo only Ballymote, which
maintained itself. The three Mayo garrisons were supplied at great
expense. Seven hundred rebels were out in Tirawley, Erris, the
Owles, Carra, and Gallen. The castle on Inisbofin leased to Captain
Fildew had been betrayed to the rebels.
A number of hostages confined in the castle of Galway tried to
escape one day in August, excited thereto by drink, according to the
Four Masters, but probably also by the abandonment of their countries
by the government. They svicceeded in breaking prison in the early
part of an August night, when people were at supper and the gates of
the town not yet closed. The bridge was secured before they could
cross it, and they had to take to the river. Some were killed and
the rest captured and hanged. Among those hanged were Edmund
MacRichard an larainn, Meyler, son of Theobald, son of Walter
Fada, Hubert Bourke, son of a MacDavid, two O'Flahertys, and
two O'Conors.
After the middle of August O'Donnell made a sudden raid into
Connaught. He captured Castlemore, and made it over to MacCostello,
who joined him. Thence he went into the barony of Dunmore, where
he took the castle of Turlach Mochain. He hoped that Lord Clan-
ricard would join him, but that lord went with thirty horse to join
Sir R. Bingham, who hurried from Dublin to Connaught and went
towards O'Donnell, who turned back and made his way homewards
through Mayo. The governor made all the haste he could to inter-
cept him at Ballysadare, but O'Donnell got over three or four hours
ahead of him and escaped into Glencar, where it was useless to follow
R
258 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY' OF MAY'O.
him. O'Domiell did no harm on this raid beyond the capture of the
two castles and the useless mischief of burning a few houses in Dun-
more. The cattle of the country were driven away before him owing
to the delay at Castlemore, and he had to escape with all speed when
the country did not join him and the governor came down.
The governor had not enough men or supplies or ammunition to
besiege and take Sligo Castle. On the way l)ack he took Collooney
Castle, and put a gai-rison in it, and then distributed his men in
frontier garrisons to act on the defensive, as they were worn out by
the long marches. The companies were wasting daily from sickness.
New-comers to Ireland fell sick in numbers from what was known
as the country sickness, due to the great damp and exposure on
service. Ammunition was so sparingly supplied that there was no
more than enough for one day's fight at Sligo. Two new English
companies had been promised him, whose coming would enable him
to undertake active operations.
Meanwhile Tyrone was making offers of submission, and the queen
was eager to end the war. Bingham was ordered to abstain from
offensive operations and to enter on a course for pacification.
When these orders arrived, Theobald MacWalter Kittagh was
besieging Belleek Castle, and it was necessary to relieve it.
Captain Fowle, who had been absent from his duty as provost-
marshal for five years and had lately returned from England, was
sent to relieve Belleek, and to treat with the rebels as a person likely
to be acceptable to them. Sir Richard remained at Tulsk to treat
with O'Conors and MacDermots who had expressed some willingness
to do so. During this time and afterwards the governors of Connaught
received from many persons in the districts abandoned to the rebels
intimation of their readiness to submit if the queen would protect
them.
Captain Fowle set out from Castlebar on the 3rd October, accom-
panied by Captains J. Bingham, Mynce, and Dillon. In a pass not
far from Castlebar tlie rebels attacked the baggage, and slew^ Captain
Fowle and three or four soldiers, deserted by the baggage guard.
When the party arrived in Tirawley they learnt that the guard of
Belleek had surrendered the castle on terms of life and liberty.
As the rebels showed no disposition to treat, the force retired next
day by another way. The rebels — about 500 of the country and 200
Scots — skirmished for six hours until the soldiers had shot away their
bullets and were reduced to stones and buttons, when they came closer
and killed and wounded many with arrows. The new English soldiers
were so unskilled in use of their weapons that the captains gave their
bullets and powder to the Irish shots, who did best on that day. The
losses were Captain Mynce, Lieutenant Tuite, and about 20 soldiers
THE BREAKDOWN OF GOVERNMENT. 259
killed and many wounded on the English side, and on the other side
about 80 reported killed. The rebels did not press their attacks to
close quarters, and did not molest the party again.
The want of ammunition was very great. The stock was so low
that the officers were constantly calling for it. The English soldiers
sent to Ireland were untrained and therefore not much good at first,
and died in numbers from sickness. There is much evidence of the
unhealthiness of the climate for new-comers exposed to the hardships
of Irish life. Those who survived the first year or so seem to have
done well afterwards. The eight companies sent against the Bourkes,
supposed to be each 100 strong, were in fact only 400 men in all.
A truce until January was made with O'Neill and O'Donnell in
October. Mayo, Sligo, Leitrim, and North Roscommon were left in
the hands of the rebels, save the castles occupied by garrisons. Sligo
bad been reoccupied, but not rebuilt, since O'Donnell broke down the
castle and abbey in October.
The effect of withdrawal of the queen's power was that from the
end of June the semblance of law and order disappeared. Those who
had been the original rebels and those who joined them, and those
who were in a position to gather armed men, went about the country
living upon the farmers, robbing whom they pleased, provided he was
weaker than they, under no restraint but the fear of coming into
collision with one of greater power. Before eighteen months were over,
Mayo and the countries in like conditions were reduced to extreme
poverty and misery by this revival of the ancient customs. In addition
to the waste and suffering caused by the great men resorting to their
old practices, the country had to bear a heavy burden in the visits of
O'Donnell with considerable foreign forces. Yet to most of the great
men this state was detestable ; all who had not too deeply committed
themselves were ready to submit, and did submit, as soon as the queen's
forces relieved them from the foreign oppressors, who made the insig-
nificant local rebels formidable.
Sir Richard Bingham's government practically ended in September
as far as North Connaught was concerned, and by degrees, under
various pretexts, he was superseded as regards the rest.
When Mayo and Sligo were overrun by rebels from Ulster and the
country obliged to join them for want of the protection of the State,
Sir Richard's enemies accused him of having driven the country into
rebellion by oppression and by extorting lands and goods from the
people for himself and his relations. These enemies were, in his
opinion, Theobald Dillon, Anthony Brabazon, Malbie, Taaffe, and
Justice Dillon, whose enmity he incurred by restraining their corrupt
practices in acquiring lands.
Sir Richard never owned a foot of land in Ireland. He had yearly
260 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
leases of the lands attached to the Castle of Athlone and of the
Abbey of Boyle, at full rents of .£54 and £16, given in virtue of official
position. Sir George, as Sherifif of Sligo, had a similar lease of
Ballymote. Captain John Bingham bought the leases which had
been given to Bryan Fitzwilliam. None of his other relations
acquired any land.
Sir William Russell went to Galway early in November, in order
to investigate these allegations and to treat for peace with the
Connaught rebels — that is, with the Bourkes, who were the only
body to be satisfied. He sent Sir Geoflfrey Fenton, Bingham's bitter
enemy, ahead to treat and get up the complaints, and ordered Sir
Richard to remain at Athlone. His endeavour to get complaints
from the rebels or make a peace was a failure, though he was at
Galway for a month. Only Dermot O'Conor of Roscommon lodged a
statement. One Lennan, an Irishman of the Co. Mayo, put in a
book, and Anthony Brabazon put one in at Loughrea, which was
supposed to come from the Bourkes.
The Mayo complaints alone are within the scope of this work. All
have been dealt with at length in the Journal of the Galway Arch,
and Hist. Society, vol. iv. It is enough to say that these complaints
went over the same ground as the inquiry of 1589, and brought in
many new matters. Actions attributed to Sir George and to Captain
John Bingham and to subordinate officers were included. Lennan
did not allege that he suffered wrong himself.
Sir W. Russell treated Sir R. Bingham as Sir W. Fitz William had
treated him. The charges were held back as long as possible. Sir
Richard pressed for trial, which was put off as no evidence could be
got. The queen's government interfered, and made orders for the
trial.
Sir W. Russell's successor, Lord Burgh, seems to have acted fairly
in the matter, which was now being handled by the queen's govern-
ment. He and his council repoi^ted that Sir Richard was not to
blame for delay ; that they did not believe that these books had been
framed by the rebels or even seen by them, but by Lennan and
others, who preferred them secretly.
Sir John Norris and Sir Geoffrey Fenton had been appointed
commissionei'S for the trial, being already employed in treating with
the rebels.
Sir John was an enemy of Sir Richard, and had applied for the
governorship for his brother Thomas in November, as soon as Sir
Richard should be removed. Sir Geoffrey was an old enemy. These
put off trial, unable to find evidence.
In September the queen ordered that the trial be at Athlone, and
added Sir Robert Gardener as a commissioner, and that Lord Clanri-
THE BREAKDOWN OF GOVERNMENT. 261
card and others should be summoned to hear the trial, but not as
judges therein. This appointment of Gardener gave great offence to
Norris and Fenton.
The proceedings ended suddenly. Sir Richard Avas in Dublin,
preparing to start for Athlone so as to arrive at the same time as
Sir Robert Gardener, and was informed on the 23rd September of
the arrangements made for his reception there. Sir John Norris had
made his brother, Sir Thomas Norris, governor of Connaught ; Sir
Richard was not to live in the Castle of Athlone, which he held by
lease ; he must live five or six miles from Athlone ; he was not to
have any of his own horsemen or footmen for his protection.
Sir J. Norris had served long in Ireland, and knew the consequences
of his actions. These arrangements admit of only one interpretation,
that it was intended that Sir Richard should be taken prisoner by the
rebels or murdered. Sir John cannot have intended capture, because
that would have ruined his credit with the queen, who would have
been forced to buy release by large concessions to the rebels. They
would gain nothing by murder, but would rather exasperate the
queen. On the other hand, Sir John and his English confederates
would have settled all questions in their own favour by his murder,
and could have charged it on rebels or on unknown persons.
Sir Richard embarked for England that evening. On arrival in
London he was treated as a fugitive from justice, suspended from
office, and imprisoned. The trvith becoming known, he was released
and ordered to go to Ireland for trial in charge of Sir Conyers
Clifford, who was appointed governor of Connaught. Clifford had to
leave him ill at Chester. Bingham embarked in a ship which was
driven back by storm, and had a bad relapse. He was still at Beau-
maris in March 1597. In the meantime the queen had ordered the
trial to be before the whole council in Dublin. The course of trial is
not in the records, but he was in London in July, when he wrote a
letter which shows that he had been acquitted.
He governed Connaught during twelve years, which covered a
most difficult time. In his careful hands the small revenues of
Connaught paid the cost of administration, and the country was free
from the oppression of the cess, except at the hands of the Lords
Deputy.
The confidence and support of the Irish population were gained
in all but a few parts of the province, such as Leitrim, where the
government would not let him act until O'Rourk's banishment,
when the rest of that clan came in and submitted and gave no more
trouble.
The risings originated in Mayo with the Sliocht Ulick, and were
insignificant until the actions of the Lords Deputy fostered their
262 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
growth. Rebellion in July 1595 was not an original rising, but due
to outside causes, and absence of force in the hands of the State to
preserve the peace. With few exceptions the people then and after-
wards sought the restoration of government.
Histoiians have imputed cruelty and oppression ; authentic records
of the day show humanity, uprightness, and justice. The power of
the Lord Deputy was used twice in vain to procure his conviction
upon charges of cruelty, harshness, and oppression, which were
framed by English officers and English settlers in Connaught ; and
twice the endeavour was brought to naught by the impossibility of
finding evidence of wrong done by him or by his relations or subor-
dinates. Not only was he upright in his own dealings, but he kept
his subordinates strictly within their duties.
CHAPTER XXIX.
o'donnell's domination and the final peace.
The conduct of operations in Connaught was taken out of Sir Richard's
hands in September 1595, and by degrees he was left to carry on only
routine business. Sir G. Fenton was sent to deal with the rebels, to
induce them to meet the Lord Deputy at Galway to treat for peace.
Sir W. Russell was at Galway for a month up to the 11th December,
endeavouring to make a peace and to get complaints against Sir R.
Bingham, who was forbidden to accompany him.
On the 16th November Sir Richard made an accurate forecast —
" The Burkes upon this offer of peace will make a MacWilliam by all
likelihood." Meanwhile they burnt the country round Tulsk, and
even the village. The situation was nearly all they wanted. The
Lord Deputy was suing for peace, and left to the rebels all the country
outside the walls of a few castles held by garrisons.
Anthony Brabazon and Theobald Dillon were sent to treat. At
Brees Castle they met Richard Bourke, Theobald Bovuke, Mac-
Jordan, the MacDonnells and the rest, who demanded only the
removal of all the Binghams, and their kinsmen and officers. They
refused to go to Galway, as O'Donnell had required them to meet
him at Moyne in Tirawley. The Lord Deputy sent Brabazon again
to meet O'Donnell, who said that no peace should be made until he
himself was satisfied, and insisted on having Ballymote and all Sligo
made over to him as his inheritance.
Brabazon was sent out yet again, and brought to Sir W. Russell
at Loughrea, on the 7th December, a Book of Complaints alleged
to have been made up by the Bourkes. This and some more com-
plaints were all that came of this journey of the Lord Deputy and
his council.
On the 25th December Sir Richard reported that the wards of
Tulsk, the Boyle, Ballymote, Collooney, Sligo, Castlebar, and Cloona-
gashel, were likely to be lost for want of relief, and that the sons of
Dualtagh O'Conor, first cousin of Hugh O'Conor Don, were threaten-
ing Athlone by water.
O'Donnell now came to Connaught to restore the abolished chief-
tainships, and arrived at Kilmaine immediately before Christmas
to inaugurate a MacWilliam. MacJordan, MacCostello, MacMaurice,
2G3
2G4 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
O'Malley, MacDonnell Ciallowglass, and all the nobles of the country
assembled there. The competitors for the name of MacWilliam weie
William Bourke of Shrule, the senior of all ; Edmund of Cong ; John,
son of Richard, son of John of the Termon ; Richard, son of Deman an
Chorrain ; Theobald na Long ; David an Fraoch, and Oliver, sons of
Sir John ; and Theobald, son of Walter Kittagh. As in the case of
the Blind Abbot, the place of inaugui'ation was Rausakeera. The
proceedings are thus described in O'Clery's " Life of Hugh Roe
O'Donnell," Murphy's edition, p. Ill : — " When all these nobles
had assembled, as we have said, to Hugh O'Donnell in the same
place, Shane Oge O'Doherty formed (as he was ordered to do), four
lines of troops back to back around the liss, and the chiefs all about.
Eighteen hundred of his soldiers and hirelings and mercenaries
round the royal rath, were the first body ; O'Doherty himself and
Tadhg Oge O'Boyle with the infantry of Tyrconnell outside them,
in the second circle ; the three MacSwineys with their gallowglasses
outside them ; the men of Connaught with their party outside them
all ; O'Donnell himself with his chiefs and nobles in a close circle
on the summit of the rath, and no one of the nobles or gentlemen
was allowed to go into his presence in the rath but whomsoever he
commanded to be called to him at the time. He proceeded then to
consider and forecast with the chiefs who were with him what to do
to the nobles in reference to the title for which they were in conten-
tion and dispute. He called to him the barons and chiefs of the
territory in their order to ask them which of the nobles he should
appoint to the chieftaincy of the district. MacMaurice, MacDonnell,
and O'Malley said with one voice that it was right that the senior
William Burke should be styled chief, as their custom was to
appoint the elder in preference to the younger. MacCostello and
MacJordan said it was right that Theobald, son of Walter Ciotach,
son of Oliver, should be styled chief, for he was strong and vigorous
by day and by night at home and abroad, whether he had few or
had many with him.
" When they had given their opinion to O'Donnell, he resolved in
the end to confer the chieftainship of the territory on Theobald, son
of Walter Ciotach, and he ordered the son of Theobald [MacTibbot]
to proclaim him MacWilliam. That was done to him, for he was
called by the name in presence of the forces publicly, though there
were others of the tribe older in years and better qualified than he.
Yet it was he that had come first to him after his expulsion and
banishment from his teriitory, and he had promised to restore him
to his inheritance if he could."
Edmund, John, and Oliver were carried away to Tirconnell as
prisonei-s, and pledges were taken from other competitors and from
o'donnell's domination and the final teace. 265
MacDonnell. After celebrating Christmas, O'Donnell went to the
Bree in Clanmorris, and left Connaught on the 15th January to meet
the commissioners sent to treat for peace with him and O'Neill.
Before leaving he appointed an O'Dowda, an O'Kelly, a MacUermot,
two MacDonoghs, and an O'Hara Reagh.
Theobald cannot be held to have continued the line of MacWilliams
by bearing the name without the authority. Even his own clan of
Tirawley turned against him when they could do so safely. Hence-
foi'th he lived in Mayo only as a dependent of O'Donnell, protected
by men supplied by O'Donnell.
The appointment was an unwise act, which weakened O'Donnell's
influence in Mayo by giving offence to every family of the Bourkes,
whose rights and feelings were openly disregarded. William of
Shrule might not have accepted the dangerous eminence. He was
on the queen's side as long as possible on all occasions, and for that
reason might not have been generally acceptable ; but any of those
who were in the right line of succession as sons of a Mac William,
being chosen by the tribe, would have got, if not universal support, at
least a friendly neutrality on almost all sides, and the active support
of all who sought the restoration of the old practices. Hitherto the
old customs were the alternative to the queen's government. Now
the choice was between the queen's government and the old customs
subject to the very heavy burden of O'Donnell's domination.
Those who had been active to restore the name of MacWilliam
designed to secure a chieftain of their own choice and independence
of restraint, and to preserve the advantages of the composition. It
was no part of their design that a MacWilliam should be imposed
upon them, and that they should subject themselves to O'Donnell's
cess and oppression. Yet this was what they got by the new Mac-
Williamship. Henceforth we find the Mayo gentlemen ever ready
to submit to the queen's government. If some had disliked her
government, they had occasion to dislike O'Donnell's oppression
more. The same feelings seem to have gi-own all over Connaught,
which gave the Ulster chieftains very little help in their wars. They
had a few bands of Connaughtmen under unpardonable rebels whom
they had to support, but no independent help from Connaught chief-
tains, no co-operation.
The truce with Ulster was extended for two months, and was
ignored in Connaught, where only Thomond and a part of Clanricard
remained obedient. O'Donnell was sending Scots and Ulstermen
into Connaught, where the rebels were estimated to be 3640 foot and
392 horse, to whom the governor could oppose only 471 foot and 86
horse. By April his eight companies of foot, the whole force of foot
in Connaught, were but 167 pikes and 246 shot, but 35 of the shot
2G6 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
were unserviceable. At the end of the month the garrisons were
withdrawn from Mayo.
The Lord Deputy sent Lord Clanricard, A. Brabazon, and James
Darcy to Mayo to treat for peace. On the borders of the county
they were met by Tibbot, MacWilliam, who was accompanied by
O'Donnell's brother with 400 men, Redmond Bvirke's sons with 200
men, and the O'Kellys. He said he could not agree to be severed
from O'Neill and O'Donnell. A treacherous trap was laid for the
commissioners, who had to retire for want of supplies. At this time
the governor was receiving from some of the best of the Bourkes,
and of all the other septs, secret offers of their services if sufficient
force were set on foot to expel the Ulstermen.
At the end of April peace was made with Ulster. The Loid
General Sir John Korris and Sir G. Fenton were sent into Con-
naught as commissioners for peace by the queen's orders, with a
very large force.
According to the returns, Sir John had in Connaught from the 1st
May to the 30th Septembei-, 2000 foot and 600 horse, with which
he took no action against the rebels, beyond killing 200 and taking
4000 cows, according to his own account, in petty raids and skir-
mishes in Galway and Roscommon. The time was wasted in talk.
The pacification of Connaught depended on O'Donnell, who was
arranging to carry on the war if he could get help from the King
of Spain.
The Connaught rebels, to whom the commissioners sent word of
their coming, replied that they were bound not to make peace with-
out O'Donnell's consent, and so gained time until O'Donnell came on
20th June. They assembled their forces in the north of Roscommon
early in June. The commissioners having arrived at Athlone on the
fith June, moved their forces to Boyle, and, finding no rebels there,
moved to Moyne and Kinlough in Mayo. O'Donnell came and
encamped on the north side of the river Robe, near Ballinrobe,
accompanied by MacWilliam and the other chieftains who depended
on him.
Warham St. Leger and A. Brabazon were sent to Ballinrobe to
treat with O'Donnell and MacWilliam. After three or four days'
deliberation, Theobald accepted the articles tendered to him and
signed them ; then, as he was about to hand them to the envoys, he
suddenly blotted out his name and entered his amendments of the
most material articles, and sent the envoys back with a statement of
his demands. The articles are not in the record. His demands
were : —
1. To have the name of MacWilliam, with the lands and pre-
eminences, by grant from the queen.
ODONNELLS DOMINATION AND THE FINAL PEACE. 267
2. To have the composition lessened with the whole province, and
to have for himself the spiritual and temporal lands.
3. Favour and mercy for O'Kelly and his other friends.
4. That if these demands were not accepted, the matter should be
referred to the decision of the Earl of Tirone.
The commissioners declared the first demand inadmissible, because
he demanded to have what he had seized by rebellion, and also
because, at the composition, the lands and seigniory of Mac William
had been divided by consent of the province, and they could not be
taken from the owners, of whom some kept loyal and others had
submitted only to Tibbot's superior force ; the second as against the
queen's interest, and because the people were content with the com-
position if it were kept ; the fourth, because it made Tirone a judge
between the queen and her rebels.
As O'Donnell concurred in these demands the treaty fell through.
He refused to give the pledges he had already promised, unless a
settlement was made with the Connaughtmen. O'Donnell probably
had no intention of making a peace except on his own terms. The
King of Spain was feeding the Irish with hopes at this time, and
sending small help by a few ships, which came in May and about the
1st July.
The break occurred on the 25th June. The commissioners allowed
fifteen days more time for consideration. After that, as the army
was weakened, and in want of supplies and ammunition and carriage,
they gave time to the 1st of Avigust at the request of the rebels, and
withdrew, leaving a garrison in Cong, and in some places in Galway.
They left Cong immediately after the 28th June. While in Mayo
they took the castle of Aghalahard. This was all they did. They
retreated in face of O'Donnell, disguising their retreat by the
pretence of giving the rebels time.
After this, Theobald's position was so weak that he would have
been driven out or killed but for help given him by O'Donnell. By
the end of November all the Connaught rebels had agreed to terms
except Theobald and the few who adhered to him. During this
summer O'Donnell entrapped Tibbot na Long, and carried him off to
Ulster, where he was kept for some time, but the particulars of the
affair do not appear. He returned to Connaught in February 1597.
Sir Richard Bingham having been removed from the government
of Connaught, Sir Conyers Clifford was appointed in his place, and
assumed the office in Dublin early in January 1597.
O'Donnell collected a large force, and started for Galway in the
second week of January. He passed through Costello, where Mac-
William joined him. Athenry was taken and destroyed. Clanricard
was plundered, the earl being surprised and unable to collect his
268 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
foi'ces. The Earl of Thomond was on the coast driving off a party of
O'Malleys, who had come by sea to rob his country, and arrived in
Chinricard only after O'Donnell had got away with his plunder.
Clifford came to Connaught in February with about twelve hundred
foot and two hundred horse, and acted vigorously. He relieved the
garrisons and went into Mayo, where he captured John MacMorris,
an adherent of MacWilliam, in Brees Castle. Then, his men being
worn out after living on beef and water for fifteen days, and his
ammunition being spent, he disposed his men in garrisons in Mayo
and Sligo. Sligo Castle was recovered, and held by O'Conor Sligo
with some of Clifford's men. In a skirmish at Bally sadare, Richard,
son of William, son of Sir Richard Bourke, was killed.
O'Donnell, being unable to keep his forces together, had gone away,
leaving Niall Garve and some soldiers to uphold MacWilliam. These
went into Tirawley, where they captured Oliver, son of Sir Richard
Bourke, and broke down David an Fraoch's house of Castlereagh.
By the end of May Clifford had hunted MacWilliam out of Con-
naught, rescuing his pledges of the Bourkes, Clan Jonyns, and Clan
Maurices. O'Neill and O'Donnell wanted Clifford to stay operations
for negotiations, but Clifford, like Bingham, saw no reason to stay
his action because the enemy disliked it. Having shown his power
to protect from O'Donnell he obtained submission all round. By his
brother-in-law O'Conor Sligo's mediation, Tibbot na Long came to
terms and offered to serve the queen, handing in a statement of his
demands at Lehinch on the 24th April.
Tibbot na Long and Richard Mac an Deman an Corrain, and the
chief gentlemen of Mayo, met Clifford at Castlebar and made peace,
presenting a very humble submission and petition for pardon. The
articles of peace were signed on the 20th May. They agreed to pay
within one year the arrears of the composition since the last collec-
tion in Sir Richard Bingham's time, to provide the rising out, to
receive the sheriff and other officers, to sue for their pardons, which
Sir C. Clifford engaged that the government should grant, to give
such pledges as he should require, to receive such garrisons in such
places as he should think fit, and to provide them with beef, to
be allowed for out of the comj)osition rent. It was signed by
Olyverus MacShane Bourke, Olyverus MacEdmond, Thybbott Bom-ke,
Ricard Boork alias the Devil's Hook's son, Davy in Ry Boork,
O'Malley, named Une O'Malley, MacJordan, Edmond Evaghery,
Thomas ny Capell. These names are taken partly from an original
at Westport House, which must have been a duplicate in posses-
sion of Tibbot na Long, now not entirely legible, and partly from a
copy in the Public Record Office in London, in which the names are
given somewhat differently, being not exact copies, or possibly copied
ODONNELLS DOMINATION AND THE FINAL PEACE. 269
from another original, in which they used a different form. It is
certified that these signed, for brevity's sake, on behalf of all the
other gentlemen and freeholders of the county, and that those pre-
sent, to whom the agreement was read and explained, assented to
and bound themselves to it.
On the 8th June a general pai-don was given to all in Connaught,
except Theobald Mac Walter Kittagh, Brian Og, and Teig O'Rourk,
and Ferragh MacHugh.
The following is the list of the pledges, who were given imme-
diately : —
1. Moyler Bourke — Tibbot na Long's son, for himself and his sept
of Ulick (saving the Devil's Hook).
2. Davy Bourke — The Devil's Hook's son, as pledge for himself
and his followers only.
3. Edmond O'Malley — O'Malley's son, for himself and his sept and
followers.
4. Goree MacDonnell — Mac an Ab the chief of the Clandonnells'
son, for self, sons, and followers.
5. Walter MacDonnell — For the sept of Rury Og MacDonnell,
himself, and followers.
6. Hugh Boy MacDonnell — Mulmory MacRanell MacDonnell's
son, for himself and his brothers.
7. William Bourke — Davy MacMoyler, Mac Walter Fada's brother,
for himself and his followers.
8. Brian MacThomas Reaugh — MacJordan's pledge.
9. Walter MacJordan — Thomas ne Capell MacJordan's son, for
himself and followers.
10. Colla MacDonnell — For the Clandonnells of Costello and
Sleight Markys, Marcus MacFerry's son as pledge.
11. Shane Boy — For the Clan Jordans of Costello.
12. 13. MacWalber and Ricard Boy's son — Walter Fooff Mac
Moyler's son, and Ricard Boy MacShane MacMoyler's son, as
pledges for them and their followers.
Clifford reported that at least 5000 were famished in Connaught,
and that he had great difficulty in feeding his army owing to the
wasting of the country. To this pitch it had been brought by the
rebels and O'Donnell.
Tibbot na Long's demands had been received by Clifford, and in
part approved by him, but not to be confirmed to him unless he
should do service deserving confirmation, and had been sent over to
England for orders. On the 25th June the Privy Council of Eng-
land expressed great satisfaction with the peace and submission of
the Mayo septs, and directed that the pledges be treated well. On
270 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
the same day orders were passed on Tibbot na Long's demands. The
way they were dealt with confirms the opinion, derived from other cii'-
cumstances, that he was now the real leader of the l^ourkes.
" He undertook, with the aid of Her Majesty's foi-ces, to banish
Tibbot Mac Walter, the now MacWilliam ; for reward of that service
to have all MacWilliam's lands to be assured unto him, and in lieu
of the name of MacWilliam to have some title to be bestowed upon
him according to the worthiness of his service. — A style was granted,
whereof consideration should he had ; the lands also, conditionally
that it should bear the composition which Sir Richard Bingham had
formerly imposed upon it.
" That the lands in Co. Mayo taken from the possessors in Sir R.
Bingham's time and conferred upon others may be lestored to the
right owners. — This larcre demand was denied.
" That the benefit of Her Majesty's letters in the behalf of his
brotlier Moroghe ne Muyre [O'Flaherty], and the like for Donnell
O'Mayley his mother['s brother], might be confirmed unto him if he
would become a good subject. — Granted.
" He demanded all the lands of such persons as were then in rebel-
lion in Co. Mayo to be granted unto him and his heirs. — There was
granted unto him all the rebels' lands that were of his own sept.
" He demanded the castle and lands of Castlebai-ry. — Denied.
" Pai-dons for sundry persons. — Granted.
" That for seven years such as depended upon him should not be
questioned for any harms done, — Suspended.
" He demanded such portions of MacWilliam's seigniory as was by
the Lord General's last parley agreed upon. — Granted.
" A company of foot in the Queen's pay. — Granted.
" A commission to grant protections in the Co. Mayo. — Mitigated."
Tibbot valued his own services very highly, and the government
was ready to give him good consideration for them, but as he could
not fulfil his part by banishing MacWilliam the agreement fell
through. Nevertheless he was treated always after this with great
consideration, and without doubt he did the government very good
service, and was faithful to his engagements as far as it was possible
for him to stand to them, but there were occasions yet to come when
he had to shift for himself as best he could.
Apparently in order to carry off cattle to Ulster, O'Donnell brought
MacWilliam into Tirawley at the end of June, and left him there with
Rury, Hugh's brother, and a body of soldiers. Clifford sent O'Conor
Sligo and Tibbot na Long against them, and posted himself at Collooney
to cut off their retreat. MacWilliam and Rury tried to escape through
the Ox Mountains, and passed the river near Collooney before day
on the 29th June. The garrison* discovering them, captured 1200
ODONNELLS DOMINATION AND THE FINAL PEACE. 271
cattle and killed 200 men besides stragglers in pursuit. MacWilliam
and Rury escaped with a few men.
At the end of July Cliflford led his forces to Ballyshannon, where
he maintained the siege for five days, when he was obliged to retire
on receipt of news that Lord Burgh, who had marched against Tyrone,
had retreated, leaving Tyrone free to join his forces to those of
O'Donnell and Maguire and O'Rourk. He beat off O'Donnell's
attack, and was not molested after passing Bunduff. On the way
back he intercepted letters from the Clandonnells offering to join
O'Donnell if Cliflford failed to take Tyrconnell. Orders were sent to
Tibbot na Long to arrest the Clandonnells.
At this time 700 beeves had been paid on account of arrears of
composition rent of Mayo, but it was impossible to press for more.
The country was so exhausted that it was harder to keep soldiers in
Connaught than elsewhere.
Towards the end of September, O'Xeill and O'Donnell sent Mac-
William into Mayo with 700 men and Feriagh MacHugh and Ulick
Burke, the murderer of George Bingham, while themselves prepared
to meet another invasion by Lord Burgh. Cliflford writes that
MacWilliam means to keep himself in Mayo during the winter by
the strength of the bogs and woods, presuming that Cliflford cannot
follow him for want of victuals. "This is true, the waste of the
country is grown so great."
In other respects MacWilliam failed to understand the situation.
Tibbot na Long fell on him, and killed his brother Thomas and 40 of
his men. He had to fly to Ulster again. All his followers in Mayo
applied to Cliflford for protection, and promised to give in their
pledges by the end of October.
Cliflford gives a summary of results up to the 30th September, as
follows, in reference to Mayo : —
At his coming all Mayo was in rebellion except William Bourke
of Shrule and his son, Oliverus MacShane and his brother Edmond,
William Bourke FitzRichard who flew into Munster, MacMorris and
Davy MacMorris.
After Tibbot na Long came in, MacWilliam took Oliverus prisoner,
whom Cliflford redeemed.
Tibbot and the Devil's Hook, and others to the number of 1000,
had come in and given pledges.
MacWilliam had lost 200 of his men in July. At his coming in
this month his brother Thomas and one of the chief commanders
of the MacDonnells, with 30 or 40 of his men, were slain. He has
only 200 to 300 of this county and 400 from Tirconnell, 700 in all.
The provincial rebels are 4800 foot at least and 400 horse.
The principal prisoners reserved upon several killings were John
2/ L' THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
INLicJonyn, John MacMorris, Edmond Melaghlen, Davy MacRicard
Bourke.
He liad taken and kept the important castles of the Brees, Castlebar,
and JiallindeiTV in Gahvay.
According to the Four Masters, John Og, son of Richard, son of
John of the Termon, was slain by some of the ClanDonnell in a night
attack on the island of Annies in Lough Carra. These MacDonnells
were probably rebels, but it may have been the result of a private
quarrel.
By the middle of November the settlement of the country was
advanced so far tliat sheriffs were put in Mayo and Sligo, where none
had been for three years. Clifford engaged most of the late rebels
and put them in some band of soldiers. Tibbot na Long and his
l)rother Oliverus, and Ulick MacEdmund Bourke, and David Mac-
Ulick e Temple (an Timchill) and Morogh ne Moyre O'Flaherty
were made captains over their own men. At the end of the year
only the O'Malleys and Tibbot Mac Walter Kittagh were actually in
rebellion, and the latter was hourly expected from Ulster. He came
in January 1598, and was quickly expelled.
A truce made with Tyrone and O'Donnell was extended from time
to time until the 7th June. The negotiations fell through because
they insisted that Theobald should have the seigniory and lands of
Mac William. They were obliged to insist on terms for their con-
federates to save their credit for the future. The queen was not
yet beaten to the degree of restoring the abolished chieftainships and
abandoning the government of their countries.
On the 14th August the English suffered their greatest defeat
at the Yellow Ford from Tyrone and O'Donnell, with whom were
MacWilliam and 1000 Connaughtmen in O'Donnell's pay. This
defeat materially affected the position in Connaught. Reporting the
state of Connaught on the 13th September, Clifford writes that the
queen controlled fifty or sixty castles, and that the owner of any one
■of them would come to him on a mere message or surrender the castle
ever since MacWilliam was banished, though they were only upon
protection, and desirous of receiving pardons. " On the first day of
MacWilliam's coming with O'Donnell's whole force, Mayo and 81igo
are entirely lost." If MacWilliam get footing again, all must join.
No pledges can hold them in face of certain loss of their cattle.
Two of the MacDonoghs of Corran had got possession of Ballymote
Castle in June by treachery. They now offered to sell it to Sir
Conyers Clifford. O'Donnell came with a large army at the end of
September, to buy it or take it. It was not easy to take this the
greatest castle in Connaught except Ballintubber. He agreed there-
fore to pay the very high price of ^400 and 300 cows. The latter he
ODONNELLS DOMINATION AND THE FINAL PEACE. 273
acquired quickly by a raid into Roscommon and Galway, paid the
price and received possession.
About the same time he sent MacWilliam to Mayo with O'Doherty
and MacSwiney Banagh, who took a number of cattle from the Owles
and drove them off to Ulster. MacWilliam was now set up again in
Mayo. The rebels were soon reported to be 2000 foot and 200 horse,
increasing daily by the coming of Scots. Tibbot na Long was obliged
to live on the sea. An O'Brien was set up against Lord Thomond.
Clifford could do nothing with only 120 English soldiers. The
government in Dublin, terrified by the defeat of the Yellow Ford,
thought only of their own safety. Thus all Connaught was abandoned
except the town of Galway, which held its own, and a few castles held
by small garrisons.
In the beginning of 1599 the whole country was at the mercy of
O'Donnell, who made Ballymote his headquarters. When he made a
raid into Thomond with a large force at the end of January, he sent
a party under MacWilliam and ISTiall Gai-bh O'Donnell into Mayo,
who plundered from Costello to the Owles without opposition.
" MacWilliam and Niall Garbh arrived with their forces at the
island of Leathardan, and they attacked the place boldly and fiercely,
and though the defence was made against them bi\avely it did not
profit those who made it, for they leaped from every side and quarter
into the place among them. Eighteen of the chief men of Clan-
gibbon were slain and slaughtered, and a great number of others
besides. The place was plundered by them also." (F.M.)
This island seems to have been a crannog on the little lake of
Lahardane, about a mile from Aghagower. On its west side is a
small mound which may have been an island or peninsula before
the lake was lowered. It is so small that it is diflScult to believe
that many men were inside it. This is the only case I know of
in this county of occupation of a crannog as a crannog by Anglo-
Norman settlers. In other cases a stone castle was built. The
detachment rejoined O'Donnell on his way back to Ballymote. The
despatch of a party to rob in Mayo shows how little real support
O'Donnell got there.
At the end of last year the English government sent 1000 men
under Sir Arthur Savage, and £1500 to Sir Conyers for Connaught,
forbidding the Irish government to divert them. These men did
not arrive until February. In March Clifford began the restoration
of government by recovering Clare and Galway, but was called away
by Lord Essex to the south, and so obliged to leave Mayo and the
north alone. The rebels were now computed at 600 foot and 60
horse under MacWilliam and the Joys.
In July Clifford was ordered to relieve Collooney, and to rebuild
S
274 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
the castle of Sligo. He arranged that Tibbot na Long, with Morogh
na Maor O'Fhiherty under him, should take ships to Sligo with
provisions, military stores, and building materials, and meet him
after the relief of Collooney. Tibbot brought his ships round and
anchored in Sligo Bay, watched by a detachment from O'Donnell's
army.
Now the English suffered the defeat of the Yellow Pass in the
Curlews. The Bourkes of Mayo who were in the queen's service
were probably with him, but Oliver Bourke and Theobald Dillon are
the only Mayo men mentioned.
On reaching Boyle fi-om Tulsk on the 15th August, 1599, Clifford
heard that the pass was not held by the enemy. At 4 p.m. of a
dark rainy day he left Boyle to get through the pass, which was
watched and guarded. The forces of O'Rourk and MacDermot fell
on his men, routed them, and killed him and Sir Henry Radcliff.
The army was saved by the cavalry, whose vigorous charge checked
pursuit, but with loss to themselves.
The English loss, according to the official return, was 10 officers
and 231 men slain; 12 officers and 196 men wounded, out of a force
of 1496. The army was badly led, and was fairly beaten and
routed by a lesser number skilfully led, but was not broken up
and was not pursued. Nevertheless, being fairly beaten in the
open, it was so demoralised and disheartened that the men were
dispersed into garrisons to recover spirit. The results show how
complete the beating was.
O'Conor Sligo surrendered and entered into alliance with O'Donnell,
who gave him cattle and sheep, and set him up as a chieftain.
The day after the battle O'Donnell came to the sea-shore, and
begged Tibbot to give him some wine, and invited him to come
himself to help to drink it. Tibbot was cautious, and refused to
land ; but on receiving pledges, sent Morogh na Maor and Baxter,
who tells this tale, and Captain Coatch, with a barrel of wine.
O'Donnell tried to get Morogh to arrange with Tibbot that they
should seize the English ships, and hand them over to him. Tibbot
would not lend himself to this scheme, and brought his little fleet
back to Galvvay.
Tibbot and his brother and O'Malley had three good galleys, each
able to carry 300 men, at this place. Captain Fildew's galley had
been taken by treachery in 1595, and two more had been built on
that model.
For some time no governor was appointed. Sir Arthur Savage
was usually in chief command of the forces, associated some-
times with Lord Dunkellin. Civil government was practically in
abeyance.
o'donnell's domination and the final peace 275
Yet the victory did not lay all Connaught under the feet of the
rebels. Lord Clanricard killed 100 of Redmond Burke's party in
Clanricard, and took prisoner Ricard Og MacJonyn, who was
executed. This man had been for years one of the most energetic
of the Mayo rebels, and had gone out at every opportunity. Tibbot
na Long and the other captains in the queen's pay, by having men
in pay under their command, were able to make head against
Mac William. In September Tibbot was able to besiege Mac William,
who was relieved by O'Donnell.
Some of the O'Malleys and O'Flahertys, with five or six galleys
and a number of boats, stationed themselves in the Shannon below
Limerick, in order to help the rebels by transport of supplies, and
to hamper the passage of the river by the queen's subjects.
In December O'Donnell came to Mayo, and arranged for a truce
until May between the two Tibbots. The terms do not appear, but
we can infer that they agreed not to attack each other in Mayo,
but to be free to act outside Mayo as they pleased. It also seems
to have restricted Mac William to his own barony of Tirawley. The
Bourkes of Kilmaine did not adhere to him. Whatever the arrange-
ment may have been, it left the Mayo men in peace among them-
selves until 1601. They fought in other regions, some for the queen,
some against her.
In the beginning of the year 1600 the fortunes of Tyrone and
O'Donnell reached their highest point. Tyrone had carried the war
into Munster. O'Donnell had nearly all Connaught under his power.
After Lord Mountjoy's coming to the government in the spring, their
power waned under a new system of attack. The system of sending
armies in force to attack an enemy who took refuge in woods and
mountains, and who came out only when opportunity offered for
successful attack in advantageous conditions, had failed, because
such large bodies could not be maintained for long, and sometimes
suffered great disaster. The forces were not enough to occupy the
whole country at once in irresistible strength. The system which
was effective against highly organised and civilised states was in-
effective against slightly organised tribes.
The Irish method of warfare was adopted. The Irish made raids,
robbed, burnt, and destroyed the enemy's country until he submitted
to avoid further loss. Their eagerness to carry away their plunder
made their warfare less effective than it might have been. It was
very satisfactory to the Ulster chiefs, as it had been before to those
of Leix, for they made raids around them, carried off much cattle
and goods, and thus their countries prospered greatly, so long as
the queen's armies came in large bodies and left the country again.
For they got easy terms for submission, and did not restore their
276 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
plunder or make good their damage. Leix liad prospered amazingly
as long as the queen's soldiers were kept out while the people
of Leix plundered around them. Lord Sussex had ended those
ideal conditions by adopting Irish methods. So now again Lord
Mountjoy and Sir George Carew set to work in the Irish fashion
in Ulster and Munster. They destroyed growing corn and every-
thing that could serve the enemy. Giving time to the work, and
having the advantage of organisation and discipline, they did it
thoroughly.
In the middle of May Sir Henry Docwra landed in the Foyle
with 4000 foot and 200 horse, harassed the country constantly,
extending his power and establishing garrisons, and soon brought
over to the queen's side Niall Garbh O'Donnell and O'Doherty.
Thus Ulster was being attacked on both sides.
Connaught and Mayo were left alone. The government was not
strong enough to do everything at once. All Connaught was ready
to submit as soon as the power of O'Donnell and O'Neill was broken
in Ulster, and it was not in the meantime a source of strength to
Ulster. O'Donnell domineered there while his strength was being
sapped in Ulster. From this time his presence in Connaught may
be taken to mark real weakness. His proper place was in his own
country protecting his people. He could not protect them effectively.
His enemy was steadily gaining ground.
Dermot O'Conor, son of Dualtagh O'Conor, of the O'Conor Donn
family, commanded 1500 Connaughtmen, who formed a strong
element in the rebel forces of Munster. On the 12th March he
sent a company, commanded by Ricard Bourke, into Lord Barry's
barony of Ibaune to levy money and food. Lord Barry's nephew,
with 100 men of his own and some men from the garrisons, attacked
the company, which he drove away, killing llicard and Theobald
Bourke, MacTibbot Bourke's two sons, Teig and Owen O'Malley,
and other leaders, and about 60 men. But he was killed himself.
The names show that this was a company of Mayo men.
In August Teig O'Kelly and Walter MacCostello, two chief leaders
of rebels under James Fitz-Thomas and Pierce Lacy, were killed
by the Knight of Kerry. The Mayo men were evidently doing a
fair share of the fighting in that country.
Dermot O'Conor retired to his own country after the failure of
his treacherous seizure of the Sugan Earl of Desmond in order to
band him over to Sir George Carew. In the autumn he offered
to support the Earl of Desmond against the Sugan Earl, and was
given a letter of protection to pass into Munster. On the 22nd
November he reached Gort with a small force. Tibbot na Long
and his cousin, David MacUlick, came up with him with their
o'donnell's domination and the final peace. 277
companies, attacked him, and drove him into a church, which was
set on fire. Forty of his men Avere killed, and he was captured.
Kext morning Tibbot hanged him.
Tibbot thought this action worthy of reward, Dermot being a
notorious traitor in command of armed men. But Tibbot's action
was believed to have been due less to his zeal for the queen's service
than to a desire to avenge the death of Tibbot's cousins, Lord
Castleconnell and his brother, in whose death Dermot had been
concerned. Lord Mountjoy looked on it as a murder, and suspended
Tibbot from his employment, intending to dismiss him. But no
action was in fact taken. It seems to have been impossible to prove
that Tibbot knew of Dermot's arrangement and protection, and it
was, on the other hand, knowui to all men that Dermot had 'been
hitherto an open and active rebel.
O'Donnell had given Theobald the name of MacWilliam, but had
failed to invest him with the power and the profits. After four
years Theobald's position was worse, as the power of the Sliocht
Ulick confined his MacWilliamship to Tirawley. The establishment
of Sir H. Docwra's force in Tirconnell altered O'Donnell's own
position. It was no longer a question whether he could maintain
his Connaught adherents against the queen, but whether he could
hold his own country against her. Theobald, seeing the risk of
losing all, opened negotiations to secure himself at O'Donnell's
expense.
Theobald communicated a project to a Captain A. Blackcaddell,
i.e. Blake, who passed it on, for submission to Sir Robert Cecil, to
Captain Thomas Lee, of the family of Ditchley in Oxfordshire, who
had become acquainted with Captain Blake at Galway, which he
had left not long before Blake wrote on the 26th June. He
designed to carry O'Donnell, and O'Rourk, and half-a-dozen of
the principal chieftains of O'Donnell's party off into England,
alive or dead. Blake believed the offer to be genuine, but had
reasonable doubt whether the queen ought to part Avith her
£1000.
The scheme in detail was as follows. Theobald was sure of a
welcome in Tirconnell whenever he came with 300 or 400 men.
Under colour of having a place of retreat and safety during troubles
in Connaught, for his goods and for his wife to live in, he would get
the castle of Killybegs into his own hands by means of moi-tgage,
by lending .£800 or X900 to the owner, MacSwiney, whose wife
was his sister.
O'Donnell was in the habit of coming to Donegal for rest and
conference with a few of his principal chiefs, and for communication
with those who came in French and Spanish ships. Theobald being
278 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
one of these would watch his opportunity, and had no doubt of his
ability to seize O'Donnell and the others and take them, alive or
dead, to Killybegs, only twelve miles away, where they could be
held against the whole country, until one of the queen's ships, which
should be off the coast, could come in and take them off.
His demands were that he should be restored in blood, and should
be made Earl of Mayo; to have 150 foot and 50 horse in pay; to
have c£1000 immediately.
This project was submitted to Sir R. Cecil, who was reminded of it
by Captain Lee on the 7th September. Some further communications
must have been made, as at the final decision MacWilliam's demands
were: — 1, The Earldom of Mayo; 2, to be her Majesty's lieutenant
of the county ; 3, to have 150 horse and 50 foot ; 4, to receive at once
■£1000 ; 5, O'Rourk to be made lord of his country and her Majesty's
lieutenant for it, with 100 horse; 6, Captain T. Lee to be governor
of Connaught.
The queen agreed to these demands, except that the jfilOOO would
be paid after performance, and that she would not make Captain Lee
governor of Connaught, though she might appoint him elsewhere, but
would not be bound. ^ The decision was not made until the 24th
December. The refusal to advance the XI 000 made it impossible for
Theobald to carry out the project. If he had got the £1000, it is not
certain that enough would have been left in his hands by the time his
negotiations with MacSwiney were over to satisfy MacSwiney, and
it is certain that if he had failed to arrange with MacSwiney the
queen would not have got her money back. Even after the essential
preliminary was arranged, the enterprise would have been full
of risk.
In the beginning of 1601 the two Theobalds quarrelled again for
unknown reasons. On the 2nd March Tibbot na Long made a sudden
attack on MacWilliam, who lost many men and most of his arms,
but escaped to Ulster. The scene of attack is not named, but was
most likely somewhere in South Mayo, as this success was followed
next day by an assembly of the Sliocht Ulick, in which Richard
Bourke, the Devil's Hook's son, was proclaimed MacWilliam.
O'Donnell could not help his MacWilliam until after Michaelmas,
when he sent him back to Mayo with soldiers. The rivals met
in battle, when Richard was killed. Thus tlie old condition was
restored.
H.M.S. Tremontana cruised for two months up to the middle of
July off Donegal Bay to intercept ships from Spain with supplie.s for
the rebels. It seems to have been their custom to make first for
Broadhaven Bay in Erris. In this time she had met only one galley
1 S.r.I.E., CCVll. part vi. Nos. 98, 100, 101.
o'donnell's domination and the final peace. 279
of 38 oars with 100 shot on board, which she forced to run on the
rocks between Teelin and Killybegs. They fired on a boat, but the
Tremontana came up and ended the affray with her guns. It was
reported that this and another galley manned by O'Flahertys had
been fitted out to plunder the MacSwineys. Captain Plessington
of the Tremontana writes that she belonged to Grace O'Malley, whose
base son was her captain. That she belonged to Grace is not unlikely,
but that her captain was Grace's base son is untrue. He was pro-
bably one of her sons, or an O'Malley, and the error must have
arisen in the interpretation of information given in Irish. MacSwiney
Banagh was MacWilliam's brother-in-law. These must have been
on their way to plunder MacSwiney ne Doe, who was on the English
side at this time.
There was no more fighting in Mayo. MacWilliam went with
O'Donnell to the relief of Kinsale, and went with him to Spain after
the battle of Kinsale. The name of MacWilliam disappeared for
evei'. This great title seems to have come into use to denote the
head of the line of William Og in Connaught in the beginning of the
fourteenth century, and may be said to have lasted for exactly three
hundred years, if we count the nominal chiefs after Sir Richard
Bourke. The Gaelic tribal organisation disappeared with that great
name for ever.
Sir Oliver Lambert had but to restore government in a country
where resistance was impossible, where, so far as we have material
for judgment, almost none were left who wished to resist since the
Sliocht Ulick Bourke, the intractable element in Mayo, came over to
the queen's side. Warfare and hope of unsettlement by war were
over. Organisation and administration on the new basis proceeded
in peace.
CHAPTEE XXX.
THE BARONY OF KILMAINE.
In the earliest legendary period this country was within the kingdom
of Irrusdomnonn, and was inhabited by a Clann Umoir tribe called
Tuath Resent Umoir. The Partraighe in the western part and in
Ross wei'e of that race.
Afterwards the great tribes called Conmaicne and Ciarraighe and
Corcamogha grew up, whom I take to be descendants of a Fergus of
the Fir Craibe race, who has been confused with Fergus MacRoigh of
Ulster. They settled over the old tribes as the Ui Briuin and
Silmurray settled on other tribes, and were the mainstay of the Ui
Briuin kings of Connaught, being in fact the royal tribes, as the
Silmurray were in later times.
Their settlement was at the expense of the kingdom of Irrusdom-
nonn, and marks the decay of the Gamanraighe power before that of
Fir Craibe and of the Tuatha Taidhen, as shown in the list of kings of
Connaught. The Ui Briuin having gained ascendency in Connaught
were able to settle themselves upon weaker neighbours in Roscommon,
and Mayo, and Galway.
The following genealogy from the Book of Fenagh, though it cannot
be taken as accurate, may be taken to express the tribal relationships
of the Conmaicne families of Mayo and Galway : —
Cumascrach.
Findchaem. Fraech.
I III
Cairid. Dubhan. Cas. Lugna.
Brugad. Lugaid. Cinel Cinel Cinel
i I Dubhain. Cais. Lugna.
Enna. f Conmaicne Cuile Muinter
I A Toladh. Crechain.
Cinel Enna. v Conmaicne Mara.
Cairid and a daughter of Enna, son of Brugad, are said to have
been contemporaries of St. Patrick.
280
THE BARONY OF KILMAINE. 281
The Conmaicne of Cuil Toladh occupied the baronies of Ross and
Kilmaine, except the parts north of the Robe, and a tiact in the
east of Kilmaine occupied by the Muinter Crechain. The other
clans seem to have been under the Cinel Dubhain, called also *' of
Dunmore." The Cinel Enna seem to have been on the southern
slope of Slieve Dart.^
The chief of the Cuil Toladh Clan bore the name of O'Talcharain.
These tribes make little show in the annals and legends.
The great cairns and other monuments in the country between
Ballinchalla and Cross show it to have been the seat of a great
reigning family in prehistoric times.
Cuil Toladh (Corner of Piercing), seems to have been applied to the
covintry of Cong, where the waters sink and rise among the rocks.
The country about Kilmaine is distinguished by important forts,
which mark it as the residence of the local chiefs, if not of prin-
cipal kings. Lisnatreanduff in Ballymartin is a singular fort. It
has three deep ditches, whose sides were once faced with stone.
A strong stone wall surrounded the space inside the inner ditch.
Similar walls were on the top of the inner sides of the other ditches,
and a smaller wall was on the outer edge of the outer ditch. Four
entrances, dividing the defences into quadrants, gave access by ground
of the natural level. It was probably the greatest fort in Mayo of
the earth and stone type, and must have been an impressive building
in its time.
Rausakeera (Rath Essa Caerach), near Kilmaine, where the Blind
Abbot and Theobald Bourke were inaugurated MacWilliam, is a
common earthen fort with a slight ditch and a souterrain inside.
This use suggests that it was the inauguration place of former chief-
tains, adopted by the Bourkes.
As noted before, the whole cantred came into the hands of Maurice
FitzGerald. When Sir Maurice FitzMaurice died in 1288, it was
divided between his daughters Amabill and Juliana. The Earl of
Kildare's Red Book notes many deeds conveying Amabill's share to
John FitzThomas, which give a glimpse of territorial subdivision.
■ Of her share the western part seems to have been known as Lough
Mask, and the rest to have been known as Dannocharne, Athecarta,
Moyenry, Kollnegassill, Molesuarne. The first and last I take to be
meant for Domnach Uarain and Maol Lios Uarain, the divisions of a
large denomination known as Uaran, the Fountain. Petty's map
places the former near Fountain Hill and Kilmainebeg. Maol
Lis survives in Mweelis, near Roundfort. In modern dress these
five would be Donaghoran or Church Fountain, Carras, the Heath,
Cloonagashell, Mweelis-Oran or Roundfort Fountain. ^
1 Healy, " Life and Writings of St. Patrick," 221. " R S.A.I., xxxi. 32,
282 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
As John FitzThomas gave the manors of Lough Mask and Dona-
ghoran to the earl as compensation, it is probable that the whole of
his share was organised in those two manors.
After this transfer it seems to have passed into the hands of Sir
William de Burgo or of his sons, as tenants under the earl. But he
may have been in possession already as tenant of considerable por-
tions, inherited from his father, as we find the descendants of his
brothers John and Philip in possession of large freehold estates.
From Juliana the northern half passed to her De Clare descendants.
Of their connection with it we know only that Margaret de Badeles-
mere, as co-heiress of her brother Thomas, killed in 1318, held a
messuage and a garden and half of a weir in Ballinrobe, which was
then a small town. It is most likely that the castle of Ballinrobe and
most of her lands were let to Sir William or one of his sons. At the
first occupation of the country Maurice FitzGerald must have given
the western part, forming the bulk of the barony of Ross, to a Joy.
This is the only family of the original colonists which survived to the
sixteenth century.
By unrecorded means the whole came into possession of Mac-
William. Much land must have been held by small freeholders
and on burgage tenure, but all disappeared with the English law save
the great freeholders of Clan Jonyn, Clan Meyler, and Sleight vie
Tibbot. The remainder, exclusive of the ecclesiastical lands and those
reserved as demesnes of the castles belonging to the title of Mac-
William, were assigned in freehold to branches of MacWilliam's
family or to MacDonnells in payment for military service, all subject
to MacWilliam's customary exactions or rights of service.
The great partition began at the death of Sir Thomas Bourke,
when his sons were provided with hereditary estates, as is shown in
the notes on the Historia et GeneaJogia Familiae de Burgo.
When baronies were formed it was intended that Kilmaine should
consist of the lands of Mac William, Sleight Walter, Clan Jonyn, Clan
Meyler, and Sleight vie Tibbot. Muinter Crechain was thrown into
Carra becaxise the Bourkes of Bellanaloob were chieftains over it. The
list of townlands of Muinter Crechain shows the position of their
territory, but not the original extent of land held by that tribe, which
may have been more. The whole Bellanaloob estate bore the name.
Later it was found more convenient to bring the estate into Kilmaine
because the Muinter Crechain part was not conveniently situated to
form a part of Carra. The whole estate was put at 32 quarters in the
composition, but it was much larger, being nineteen towns according
to the Hist, et Gen. This agrees with inquisitions of 4th April 1609
and 11th January 1610, which recite that David Bourke of Bellana-
loob had a head rent of 3s. 4d. from each quarter of the 80 quarters
THE BARONY OF KILMAINE. 283
of Muinter Crechain. This must have come to him by the distribu-
tion of the head rents granted in the composition to MacWilliam.
Thus the part lying north of the Robe came into the barony.
According to D. MacFirbis, in his Great Book of Genealogies, the
estates of Sir Thomas Boui-ke were divided between five sons, who
were thus settled : Walter in Conmaicne Chuile, Edmond na Fesoige
in Clann Chuain, Richard of Turlach in TuathTruim, John in Muinter
Chreachain, and Thomas Og in Pobal Ghearr.
The descendants of Walter and Edmond and Richard are found in
those lands. John is probably the son who died of the plague in
1384. The important family of Bellanaloob, who cannot be connected
with the Bourkes of Cavra and Kilmaine, may be assumed to have
been John's descendants.
Thomas Og is called also Thomas of Moyne. The Pobal Ghearr must
be the same as Eraght Thomas. Lord Clanricard's claim in 1566 and
1571, and an inquisition of 4th April 1609, show that Moyne was
part of Eraght Thomas. It must be included within one of the
Ballys in Hist, et Gen. It is recited that Eraght Thomas consisted
of eighteen towns divided between five brothers, of whom two conveyed
their shares to the first Earl of Clanricard, who entered into the
castle of Moyne and all the territory except a mill and four acres at
Moyne. In the end the earl got Moyne and four quarters and two
quarters in Ballymartin.
The dispute of 1566 was with MacWilliam, that of 1571 was with
Walter FitzJohn Bourke, a man of considerable importance whom I
cannot connect with the Sliocht Walter, and whom I suspect in the
circumstances to have claimed as one of the hereditary owners of
Eraght Thomas. The family of Thomas Og seems to have been
extinct by the end of the century. Their extinction would result in
the division of the inheritance, or of as much as was left, between
the descendants of Walter, whose descendants we find to have become
owners of parts of this territory.
The rest of the barony of Kilmaine, exclusive of the ecclesiastical
lands, was held in demesne by MacWilliam and by the great clans
mentioned. At the close of the century only two or three Gaelic
families, besides the newly imported MacDonnells, were owners of
freehold land, and they held very little.
Bellanaloob and the part of the estate lying north of the river
Rodte were no part of Muinter Crechain, though that name came to
cover the whole estate. Sliocht Walter likewise held a part of
ancient Carra.
These three estates were minor chiefries carved out of the cantred
of Conmaicnecuile and part of Carra, and each probably originally
included a quantity of freeholders' lands which paid only fixed rents.
284 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The arrangements must have been much modified in this respect in
course of time since the first assignment, which should have been
made by Sir Thomas or after his death.
The Sliocht Walter estate was further subdivided. William of
Shrule, head of the sept in 1585, had 80 quarters with his free-
holders. Edmond of Cong and his freeholders had 48 quarters. The
Bourkes of Cloonagashel, grandsons of Richard III., had a large
estate, the extent not exactly stated. These latter estates seem to
have been minor chiefries. Other Bourkes had minor estates, such
as those of Monycrower. It is impossible to make out any system
of assignment of hereditary estates of any particular amount to junior
branches of these clans. So far as the evidence goes, we may say that
a certain amount in Kilmaine was allotted for maintenance of the
dignity of MacWilliam, namely, the castles of Ballinrobe, Lough
Mask, and Kinlough, with their demesne lands. The re3t was divided,
and each sept in turn subdivided its inheritance. MacWilliam had
rights as chieftain over all. The only thing that comes out clearly is
that there was no system of redistribution at intervals, as has some-
times been alleged. These remarks apply equally to all the families
of colonists. But our evidence is slight, and the later tenures were
no doubt considerably affected by the earlier English tenures.
The MacSeonins were the next family of importance. They owned
a considerable estate lying mainly from Kilmaine eastwards, but as
we have not records of their tenures until the seventeenth century
inquisitions, when many changes had taken place, their original
estates cannot be exactly defined. They were a very large family,
and occupied many castles and lands as tenants of the Archbishop of
Tuam and of the Bourkes. This name is now rendered Jennings.
MacTibbot of the Crich was the head of the family called the
Sliocht Mhic Teboid na Criche. His castle of the Crich was in the
townland of the Creevagh in the parish of Kilmolara. The sept
owned lands thereabouts, and Rahard, and Cuslough, and near Annies
on the shore of Loch Carra. " Every MacWilliam has a penny and
thirteen ounces in the country of MacTibbot's sept in Cos Locha."
To the family of MacTibbot may be attributed the thirteenth or
fourteenth century manor house called the castle of Cuslough, and
formerly the castle of Ballyneglonty, Town of the Cloons — i.e. Cloon-
liffen, Cloonenagh, and other cloons near it.
The family did not increase. There were but few members of it
in the sixteenth century.
The MacMeylers of the Neale held an estate about the Keale,
adjoining that of the MacTibbots. MacMeyler was a juror of one
of the inquisitions taken for the prepaiation of the indenture of
composition. They did not increase ; were a small family like the
THE BARONY OF KILMAINE. 285
MacTibbots. The greater part of their estate was sold by them to
Mr. John Browne, but some of them retained their shares in the
castle and lands of the Neale into the seventeenth centui'y.
The Clandonnell Gallowglass spread all over Mayo, found in every
barony except Ross, and Murrisk, and Erris. In many cases they
were ordinary tenants under the Bourkes and other lords, but they
held much land as bonaught, fees for military service, which they
held of the Crown after Sir Henry Sidney's arrangement with Sir
John Bourke in 1586. In this barony they were settled in the castles
and lands of Aghalahard, Ballykine, Mocorha, Moylla or HoUymount,
Togher, and Liskillen.
Their appearance in Ireland was a consequence of the settlement
in Antrim of John Mor MacDonnell, son of John of Islay, upon his
marriage with Margery Bisset, heiress of the Glens, about 1399.
The wars of the Kings of Scotland with the Clandonnells caused
much dispersal, to which we may ascribe the appearance of so many
MacDonnells in Ireland about that time as constables of Gallow-
glasses.
Sir Henry Sidney mentions seven lineages, or families, as coming
from Mayo. Their relationships cannot be made out, but they held
together very much as a clan, having a " MacDonnell " as chief,
whereby they had great influence in the country. At the close of
the sixteenth century they were only country gentlemen, no longer
the leaders of drilled mercenary soldiers.
Their principal settlements were in Kilmaine, Carra, Burrishoole,
and Tirawley, under the Bourkes, those in Clanmorris, Costello, and
Gallen being insignificant.
CHAPTER XXXI.
THE BAROXY OF CARRA.
Carra was a well-defined territory from early times, occupied by old
Domnonian clans. After the fourth century Hy Fiachrach clans
settled over them, leaving in view only a few families of the Partry
in Odhbha if, as is probable, their descent from Fiachra is fictitious.
Odhbha included the parishes of Ballintubber and Ballyheane, in yet
earlier times when the Partry had their own king.
MacFirbis's tract on the Hy Fiachrach gives a detailed account of
the families settled in Carra and Tirawley and Erris, defining the
seat of many families with great accuracy as they were about the
thirteenth century. The chieftains of Carra were of the families of
O'Tierney, O'Mvirray, MacNeill, O'Gormghail, and used the title of
kint^. The Clann Cuain, known also as Fir Thire and Fir Siuire,
Men of Siuir, the river which flows by Castlebar, had as chieftain
O'Cuinn. Their territory comprised the parishes of Clancowane, now
called Aglish, Islandeady, Turlough, Breaghwy, and Kildacommoge,
and seems to have been the same as that of the earlier Corcu Themne.
Clann Cuain transferred its allegiance to MacDermot in the twelfth
century, under the circumstances stated in Chapter V.
By the thirteenth century the tribal distinction between Odhbha
and Carra was lost. The whole was divided between Carra and
Clancowane. The Hy Fiachrach clans were so feeble that Torlogh
Moi-'s descendants were being settled over them, as they had settled
over the Domnonians 600 years before. None survived as freeholders
to the close of the sixteenth century. We know only the names and
positions of these tribes.
Fert Lothair, Aenach, and Loch Buadhaigh are named as the three
royal forts of Carra. Fert Lothair is mentioned as occupied by
Ailill Inbandha when St. Cormac visited him. There is no indica-
tion of its position or of that of Loch Buadhaigh. Aenach was in
O'Gormgialla's lordship to the south of Toberloona. The great fort
in the field to the north of Liskillen farmyard is likely to be the
place. It was a fort of the first rank, having a diameter of 104 feet
within the wall inside the inner ditch, a wall on the rampart between
the inner and outer ditches, and a wall on the outer edge of the
286
THE BARONY OF CARRA. 287
outer ditch ; and all the faces of these ditches were revetted with
stones.
When the 0' Conors, who seem to have held all Carra as principal
chiefs, were ejected by Richard de Burgo in 1236, Carra was let out
in two great fees, called Carra and Clancowane.
Adam Staunton, a great baron of Kildare, or his son Philip, got
Carra, wherein he built Castlecarra immediately, one of the earliest
Norman castles in Mayo, but the present building in ruins may be
of later date. The wall across the isthmus may well be original.
He founded also a small town, whereof only the name survives in
Burriscarra.
Adam was succeeded by his son Philip, and he by his son Adam,
who died in 1299. His estates were divided between five daughters.
Carra, having been assigned first to Nesta and another, became the
share of Nesta. When her father died she was married to Simon de
Flatisbury, but by 1316 was wife of Fromund Le Brun. By 1325
Fromund and Nesta had transferred the manor of Carra to John,
Earl of Louth. I find no indication of the further devolution of the
estate.
The original grantee gave a large fee to one of his relations, from
whom came the Stauntons of Carra, known as Mac an Mhilidh in
Irish, now MacEvilly. MacEvilly owned the castle of Kinturk, which
was most likely the original fee, and the castle of Manulla until 1592,
and Kilvonell, now called Castlebourke, and Castlecarra. Castlecarra
was the manor house, and head of the fee. Its devolution is un-
certain, but it was in MacEvilly's hands vuitil it was sold to Lord
Trimleston in Sir N. Malbie's time, and by him to Captain W. Bowen
in 1586.
We have no genealogy of this family. It was said to dei'ive from
a Bernard Staunton. A Bernard was extant in the thirteenth cen-
tury, who had a son Philip. A Sir Bernard of Connaught was alive
in 1333.
A branch of the Stauntons took the name of MacUlkin or MacHul-
kin. Some owned Ballybanan and other townlands in that district.
A family of Branaghs or Walshes of Rosslahan, near Welshpool,
are the only other early colonists who survived as freeholders to the
close of the sixteenth century.
In 1306 a family named Savage held some lands. In 1316
Fromund le Brun and Nesta claimed from William, son of William
de Burgo, suit and service in their court of Carra in respect of his
freehold in Sauvage's castle, and four vills of land therein. This
castle is not identified, but is likely to be Castle Lucas. The name
of Le Sauvage survived in the denomination of the eight quarters
of land called Levally ne Tavese in the composition, but in the
288 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
preliminary inquisition, Levally in Tavase, Halftown of le Sauvage.
This is some evidence that Sir William had got a footing in Carra.
From Hir William's brother Philip, and Philip's son John, came
the MacPhilpins who are found at Bellabourke and near Castlebar.
The Clancowane division called Clancowane and Fertyr was given
to a Barry, whose name survives in Castlebarry. This family gave
the rectories of Turlough, Breaghvvy, and Kildacommoge to the
family abbey of Kilnamullagh near Buttevant. By 1333 the fee had
passed to the heir of Peter de Cogan.
The further devolution of these two fees does not appear, but by
some means they came into the hands of MacWilliam Bourke. We
may accept MacFirbis's statement that Castlebar fell to Edmond na
Fesoige, with so much of Carra as was not assigned to the families
of his Ijrothers, Walter and Richard and John. His descendants
increased i-apidly.
His sons, Richard and Ulick, succeeding to the MacWilliamship,
founded the two great families called Sliocht Ricaird and Sliocht
Ulick. Castlebar remained in possession of the senior line, but
Richard's son John founded the more numerous and powerful branch
in Tirawley.
Ulick was ancestor of Sliocht Ulick, which spread over Carra and
into Burrishoole and Erris, having Ballynacarra as the chief castle.
The MacDonnells of this barony owned the castles of Clooneen
and Touaghty. Others lived at Manulla and at Keelogues.
The castle and lands of Donamona belonged to a family of O'Kellys,
whose ancestor is said to have settled there in the fifteenth century,
as mentioned on p. 156.
At the composition the barony is divided into nine cowrynes or
divisions, exclusive' of church lauds, of nearly equal value, 21 and 22
qrs., except Kinturk and Slewoney of 25 and 24 qrs., and two half
cowrynes, and four still smaller denominations amounting to 22 qrs.
They seem to have been laid out for some purpose of administration
or survey, as they cannot, according to present information, be made
to fit into a scheme of assignment of inheritance.
The Earl of Ulster's rent of ^16, 13s. 4d. on the two Carra fees,
the twenty-four bailies of MacWilliam's mensal lands in the Hist,
et Gen., and MacWilliam's composition rent charge of £17, 6s. 8d. on
twenty-four towns coincide so closely as to suggest that the latter
are based on the original tenures acquired by MacWilliam, that
these rents were assigned to the MacWilliamship, and the beneficial
occupation to Edmond na Fesoige's family.
Edmund Bourke of Castlebar had an annual rent of <£21, 6s. 8d.
out of Clancowan, which would be in part his share of the profits of
the MacWilliamship.
CHAPTER XXXII.
THE BAROXY OF TIRAWLEY.
Whex this country comes into history the family of Fiachra Folts-
nathacli is settling over the early Domnonian tribes, of whose names
only that of the Calry of Moyheleog has survived. The descendants
of Fiachra's son Amalgaid, who gave it his name, spread over all
this barony and Erris, except the parishes of Killala and Ballysakeery,
occupied by the Hy Eachach of the Moy, descended from Eochaidh
Breac, son of Dathi.
Amalgaid, son of Fiachra Elgach, is said to have built Carnawley
on Mullaghcarn near Killala, as a place for assemblies and fairs, and
to have been buried there. Seventy years ago O'Donovan found that
the earn on top of the hill had been nearly all removed, but not far
from it, on the same hill, he found a monument " like an earthen
fort with round stones of great size placed in a circle on its border.
The internal diameter of this circle is about seventy-eight feet, and
its external diameter is two hundred and forty feet." ^ The arrange-
ment of the boulders marks it as a sepulchral or ceremonial rath, and
it is perhaps the actual burying-place of this Fiachra, the earn, like
Carnfree, being the place of inauguration. Oarnfree is likewise near
a sepulchral mound called Duma Selca.
Carn Amalgaid became one of the inauguration places of the King
of Hy Fiachrach. It is recorded that if O'Dowda should be in
Tirawley he may be inaugurated on Carn Amalgaid ; if he should be
at Carn Ingine Bhriain he may be inaugurated there ; in either case he
need not cross over (the Moy). Carn Ingine Bhriain has not been
identified. Carn Amalgaid seems to have eventually superseded it,
or possibly it was adopted after the conquest of the thirteenth cen-
tury, when O'Dowda was confined to the barony of Tireragh.
MacFirbis's tract on the Hy Fiachrach gives the names and situations
of the families living in Tirawley and Erris who descended from King
Amalgaid, son of Fiachra. Seven of his sons left descendants in
Tirawley and Ei-ris : —
Enda Crom 1 . ,^ , , ^
^ TTi- r in Moyheleog, Crossmolina.
Uengus I<innJ •' °'
Conall in Moyheleog.
1 H.F., p. 443.
289 „,
290 THE EARLY HISTORY- OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Oengus in the Lagan, Kilbride, Doonfeeny, Ilathreagb.
Eochaidh in Killardutf.
Fergus in Caille Conaill, Bac, Glen Nepliin, Bredach.
Fedelmid in Erris.
The part of the county of Sligo lying south of the Bunree river,
which was originally in this county, was occupied by O'Moran of
Ardnarea as sub-chief under O'Caomain, whose lordship included all
Coolcarney from Toomore, and Tireragh to the river Leaffony,
None of Amalgaid, son of Fiachra's descendants attained to the
chieftainship of the Hy Fiachi-ach. We do not find that they had a
common chieftain, probably because the king of the whole tribe had
three forts in the barony, whereby his influence was felt constantly.
O'Lachtna, lord of Bac and Glen Nephin, was the greatest chieftain
next after the king, and perhaps had been in some measure a general
chief of the Hy Awley. His lordship comprised the parishes of
Kilmoremoy west of the Moy, Ballynahaglish, Kilbelfad, Ardagh,
Addergoole, and a small part of Ballysakeery, and perhaps a part of
Moygawnagh, where some descendants of Fergus lived. The Abbey
of Errew appears to have been the ecclesiastical head of his lordship,
and to have owed its greatness to the connection with his tribe, and
that of Killala to have owed its superior importance, whereby it
became the seat of the bishopric, to its connection with O'Dowda.
The MacFirbises were of the race of O'Lachtna. They lived first
in Maghbroin, supposed to lie about Killybrone near Castlegore, and
afterwards at Rosserk, and, after the O'Dowdas were turned out of
Tirawley, at Lackan MacFirbis in Tireragh, where they built a castle.
The MacFirbises were the chief ollavs and poets of O'Dowda. To
them we are indebted for the great volume known as the Yellow
Book of Lecan, for books of genealogies, and for the detailed accounts
of the Hy Fiachrach from which this statement is drawn, and nearly
all that we know of the early history of this barony and of Carra.
O'Murray, chief of the Laggan, seems to have been next in
importance.
The king of the Hy Fiachrach had his own forts at Inishcoe and
Annagh on L. Con, and at Rathfran.
At the Conquest Tirawley was considered to be two cantreds, one
called Tirawley, the other called Bac and Glen. Tirawley was let to
Nicholas Petit, who enfeoffed Adam Cusack of the whole or part, but
the Petit tenure and the chief Cusack tenure had come into the
Earl's hands by 13.33. The Petit tenure accounts for the grant of
the rectories of Rathfran and Kilmoremoy and others to the Priory
of Mullingar, which was in the Petit country.
The transactions mentioned hereafter show that Bac and Glen had
been let to a lord whose tenure had disappeared, so that Barrett and
THE BARONY OF TIRAWLEY. 291
others held directly from the Earl in 1333. This chief lord was pi-o-
bably Richard Carew.
The Barretts were the principal colonists, and next after them the
Cusacks.
The Barretts came from Munster, where they have left their name
to the barony of Barretts in Cork. I give MacFirbis's Genealogy of
the Barretts of Tirawley ; it is certainly wrong in the early part,
but may be right at or soon after Wattin, He says that William
Finn may be the same as William Mor na Maigne, who is also called
William Breathnach, and that the Welsh White Knight was William
Finn's brother, showing that he had no authentic account of the
family at that period. We cannot rely on the Irish genealogies
alone for Anglo-Norman families until the fourteenth century, when
they become accurate regarding important families.
The English records enable us to identify William Mor na Maigne
as the man who was killed at the battle of Kilroe. Na Maighne may
mean " of the Wound," and this is the probable meaning. At his
death he was tenant of the cantred of Bac and Glen and of at least
part of Bredagh.
The first mention of a Barrett in Connaught is in 1253, when Adam
Petit recovered eleven vills in Bredagh from William Barrett, who
had "called Richard Carew to warranty.^ Meddling with Bredagh
perhaps cost him his life. The story is of interest as an illustration
of the complexity of titles, conflict of obsolete and extant titles, and
the consequent opportunities for a quarrel.
In the year 1300 the Prior of Mullingar sued Elias of Dundonnell
for the advowson of the church of Bredagh. Elias called the Earl of
Ulster to warranty, and pleaded that Walter de Burgo gave to Elias's
father, by a charter which he filed, ten vills in Bredagh to which the
advowson belonged. The Earl pleaded that his great-grandfather,
William de Burgo, being seised of the whole Theodum of Bredagh
enfeoffed therein Nicholas le Petyt, who enfeoffed the Prior of the
advowson, and afterwards enfeoffed Adam Cusack, senior, of the land.
Thus the advowson was separated from the land. Afterwards William
Barrett entered on the land, ejecting Adam, who gave ten vills to
Richard de Burgo for maintaining him in the remainder. Walter de
Burgo gave seven of the vills to Milo de Curcy with his sister, which
Milo gave to Elias's father. Elias replied that Walter was seised
of the advowson and claimed trial.^ The result does not appear.
William de Bui^go's grant of Connaught never took effect. Adam
Cusack's title from him was valueless, so must have been renewed
by Richard de Burgo. In January 1299 the Earl of Ulster petitioned
1 D.I., II., Nos. 292, 474.
2 Plea Rolls, 30 Ed. I., R. 62, M. 14 D.
292 THE EARr.Y HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
the justiciary for seisin of the lands of which William Barrett was
seised, which he held of the Earl in rapite, according to the sheriff's
inquisition which had found that William held the cantred of the
Bac and Glen by the service of 20 marks yearly, and two knights'
fees, and doing suit at the Earl's court, and rendering 39 marks
yearly to John Roche, and that the land was worth 20s. yearly beyond
these charges. The land had been taken into the king's hand after
the death of William in Adam Cusack's prison. The escheator re-
ported that William held all his lands in Connaught of the Earl ; that
he held also (irennach in Muscry of John de Cogan ; Fresketh [in
Cork?] of Maurice Eochfort ; AUe of Peter Butler; Castelgeych of
John de Barry ; Drumbolgyn of the Bishop of Ross ; Clardor of
Maurice de Carew ; that William his heir was three years old at his
father's death. Seisin was given to the Earl.^
Maurice, son of Richard de Carew, summoned William in 1300 to
do suit and service which he owes to him for his freehold in Bac and
Glen and Bredagh, i.e. homage and £4 when royal service runs, as
heir of his father William. William admitted the claim, and seisin
was ordered to be given to Maurice. -
The tenant apparently held directly from two lords. The payment
to a Roche shows some unexplained transactions. William Barrett
certainly held Bac and Glen in fee. This cantred now comprised
only the parishes of Ballynahaglish, Kilbelfad, and Addergoole or
thereabouts.
The Munster estates must have been large. Castelgogh, or
Castelgeych, Manor comprised 7| knights' fees held by the service
of two knights. He held also land at Tyberneyvin in Limerick
from Maurice Eochfort, who seems to have been his chief lord, as
William settled with him regarding his marriage, which was valued
at £100.
William senior is said to have built Caislen na Circe on the Tiraw-
ley bank of the Moy opposite to Foxford, at which a small market
town grew up.
William na Maigne had a brother Robert, who survived him.
After 1284 Batin, Thomas, Richard and his son William, and
Philip Barrett are mentioned. From Batin the chief of the Barretts
took the name of MacBhaitin. He must have been the principal
Barrett in Tirawley. He had to pay a fine of £163, 18s. 8d. for
peace, and Gilbert Lynet had to pay £33, 6s. 8d. Adam Bretuath
paid £3, 6s. 8d. Batin must have had a very large estate to afford
such a fine, which we may take to have been imposed for taking part
in the battle of Kilroe.
1 Cal. Just. Rolls, Irel , 1295-1.300.
2 Plea Rolls, 28 Ed. I., R. 47, M. 13 D.
THE BARONY OF TIRAWLEY. 293
Batin's estate was outside the cantred of Bac and Glen. We may
take it to have been in the cantred of Tirawley. Ballysakeery was
the castle of the MacWattin of the composition. Belleek was that of
a branch of his family who divided their possessions with Walter
Kittagh Bourke in 1584.
Batin's son Robert succeeded him, was lord in 1335, and may have
lived until 1365. In 1356 Robert was seneschal of Connaught.
The Barretts broke up into several clans, some taking new sur-
names : —
1. Clann Andriu, who lived in the Bacs, descendants of a Sir
Maigiu.
2. Clann Toimin of Erris.
3. Clan Philip or Philpin, descended from Philip or Philpin, grand-
son of Toimin's brother.
4. Clann Toimilin.
5. Clan Ricin of Glen Nephin, descended from Ricin Og, son of
Ricin.
6. Clann MecRoiberd, descended from the sou of William Mor na
Maighne, whose inheritance is along the river Deel.
The above is MacFirbis's account of these clans as he gives it in
the Tract on the Hy Fiachrach. His authorities are at variance,
and we cannot give much credit to what was based only on traditions
of his day regarding clans of no great importance. The Barretts
probably did as the Bourkes in the matter of taking new names, and
on those grounds it is probable that the clans MacRobert, Toimin,
Philip, Ricin are descendants of the Robei-t, Thomas, Philip, and
Richard, who would have no claim on the inheritance of Batin.
According to the pedigree, the clan Andrew did not come from Batin.
A Mathew, son of Mathew Barrett, was extant in 1303, who may
be the ancestor.
In the sixteenth and early seventeenth century we find the Mac-
Andrews holding much land in the Bacs, MacTomyn in Ballycroy,
MacPhilips at Portnahally near Ballycastle and at Dookeeghan in
Erris.
One of the Barretts became chief lord of Erris at some time.
MacFirbis failed to disentangle the traditions regarding the eaidiest
Barretts, and worked them into a symmetrical genealogy from the
uncertain William of Kilcommon, who had a brother called An Ridire
Fionn, the Welsh White Knight. Breathnach comes in also as a
name of William. The Barretts seem to have thrown off a clan
which adopted Breathnach as a surname, translated again into Welsh.
In 1407 a priest is described as " Maurice Bared alias Brechnach."
I find evidence for a suspicion that the Carra Branaghs of Rosslahan
may have been Barretts.
294 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
" The Welsh Pauper," An Failgliech Bieatlmach, is made a brother
of Batin, and a grandson of William Mor na Maighne. That the
Failghech was Batin's brother is very likely to be correct, but he has
put them too late. The Failghech and Thomas Barrett were killed at
Coin Berrain in 1260 (L.C.). The Failghech left sons who held a good
position ; it is recorded that Felim O'Conor plundered them and took
Richard himself prisoner in 1316 (L.O.). The Clann an Fhailghigh
disappears from history until we find the Clannenallies mentioned in
1588, and some families called MacEiially among the small freeholders
of Carra and Kilmaine in the early seventeenth century.
Seeing the uncertainty of this genealogy, I am still inclined to
think that the Irish used An Failghech as a translation of Le Poher,
supposing it to be the French Le Paurre. Some of the names in the
pedigree are very unusual.
On the whole, we cannot be sure of more than that several Barretts
came from Munster soon after the Conquest and settled in Tirawley.
The Cusacks.
According to MacFirbis, Adam Cusack built the castle of Meelick.
Adam Cusack, junior, the victor at Kilroe, owned also the manor of
Cuilcnama, the parishes of Skreen and Dromard. He died by 1297,
leaving only daughters. One of his daughters surrendered Cuilcnama
to the Earl of Ulster. We have no particulars of Adam Cusack 's
Tirawley estate, but it must have been large. Rathreagh was pro-
bably in it, as it was once known also as Cusackstown. Though the
great estate ceased to be held by a Cusack, the memory survived, so
that in the Division of Connaught the barony of Moyne is described
as containing " Tirawley and the Cusacks' country."
A junior branch of the family survived. In the beginning of the
seventeenth century Robert Cusack owned the castle and lands of
Ross, together with other lands in the parishes of Killala and Bally-
sakeery.
The Carews.
A branch of this great family also survived. One of them was of
sufficient importance to be a party to the Indenture of Composition.
His castle of Dunmacnyny has not been identified. His family are
later found in possession of Cloonawillin in Ballysakeery, and other
lands not identified.
The Lynotts.
Gilbert de Lynet was of sufficient importance to be Sheriff of Con-
naught from 1287 to 1289. The family appear again as owners of
THE BARONY OF TIRAWLEY. 295
half the castle and lands of Oarn — the other half owned by Carews —
and of the lands of Kincon, Ellagh, and Seehaunmore in Kilfian.
The Merricks.
Some of this family survived in possession of a small freehold at
Ballyteige in Glenhest, which takes its name fi'om Hosty, whose
descendants in the barony of Dunmore are the MacCostys.
The De Exeters.
A branch of this family called Clan Stephen settled at Rathfran,
where the monastery was founded by one of the de Exeters in 1274,
who probably came in as tenant of another lord of his own family, as
the estate held by this family at Rathfran in the sixteenth century
was small. This family is dealt with at length in Gallen.
The Lawlesses and Cogans.
MacFirbis says that Sir William Lawless had the country of Caille
Oonaill. There is some doubtful evidence of a Lawless connection
with Ballycastle.
There is reason to suspect that a de Barry owned a fee about
Crossmolina, as we find that the Augustinian monastery of Ballybeg,
near Buttevant, a de Barry house, owned the rectory of Crossmolina.
In 1306, John, son of William de Rathcogan, Walter de Usser,
and Walter de Cogan were indicted for robbing the abbot of the
monastery of Crossmolina. Rathcogan is a name of Charleville,
which was in the Cogan estate in the county of Cork. We may
suspect that an estate hereabouts passed like Castlebar from a
de Barry to a Cogan.
The Berminghams.
This great family comes into the barony because Ardnarea was
within it as originally laid out. But none of the family settled
permanently. At or soon after the Conquest, Peter de Bermingham
held the manors of Ardnarea and Castleconor. The former was the
parish of Ardnarea or Kilmoremoy in Sligo. The latter extended
north from it so as to include a great part or whole of Easky parish.
The original grant may have been of all Tireragh, which was called
by the Irish MacFheorais's country. It is afterwards found broken
up. There were many transactions regarding lands in those days,
and we know that Cuilcnama was surrendered to the Earl of Ulster,
and there are indications that some de Berminghams had an interest
therein superior to that of Adam Cusack.
Within the next fifty years Ardnarea belonged to Peter, son of
296 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Meiler Bermin^'liam, and Castleconor to his cousin Peter, son of
James. But under this Peter an Andrew Bermingham seems to
have held the manor, whose daughter and heiress, being married to
Stephen Le Poer, conveyed her rights to Eustace Le Poer, a great
baron of Munster, who had a large estate in the south of Galway.
His family did not settle. Under him a Martin Taaf held a great
part of the manor. In a settlement of claims regarding Andrew's
inheritance, Castleconor was let to Eustace Le Poer at a nominal
rent.
No more is known regarding their devolution until they appear in
the possession of the Bourkes, who lost Castleconor and retained
Ardnarea, which was bounded on the north by the Bunree river
when the county bounds were laid down.
If we suppose that Sir Edmond Albanagh or his father had acquired
the Bermingham or Le Poer rights, and that O'Dowda had acquired
the Taaf or Le Poer rights when the Taafs retired, we can understand
that there were grounds for conflicting claims between MacWilliams
and O'Dowdas Avhicli led to wars, and that Cathal Duff's payment of
five marks yearly to MacWilliam, as recorded in the Hist, et Gen.,
may have been a recognition of ancient right, and not submission to
arbitrary oppression.
The thirteenth and fourteenth century records show a good many
names of colonists in Tirawley whose position is not ascertained. It
is evident that there was a large English population then. But all
have disappeared save those who have been noted above, who are
far more families of the early colonists than have survived in other
baronies.
The Period of the MacWilliamship.
The death of William Saxonagh at Iniscoe in 1368, and his grand-
son's attack on Bishop BaiTett in 1396, and the existence of a
Redmond Bourke who described himself as of Iniscoe in 1452,
afford ground for supposing that Sir Edmond Albanagh, having
acquired the de Barry or de Cogan rights over Crossmolina to-
gether with Castlebar, settled his son and his family there, and
that the long quarrel between the Bourkes and the Barretts may
date from that affray, to end only with the agreement regarding
Belleek in 1584. We have no glimpse of the cause of quarrel. But
if Sir William Liath or his sons bought rights or took tenures from
the absentee lords and made them effective, we have the conditions
needed for a crop of quarrels which must be settled by sword and
spear in absence of the courts of the earl and the king.
When those courts disappeared, and most of the smaller colonists
and farmers fled from disorder and oppression, the head of the
Barretts was the greatest lord in Tirawley, and might count on
THE BARONY OF TIRAWLEY. 297
general support from the other resident lords, whose independence
was equally threatened by MacWilliam's claims.
A picturesque tradition, handed down to us as it was told in
D. MacFirbis's time, tells precisely how the Bourkes came to spread
all over Tirawley.
The Lynotts murdered the Barretts' steward who came to collect
their rents, and threw his body into a well near Carn Castle, after-
wards called Tubberscorney from his nickname. The Barretts captured
the Lynotts and blinded them, testing the thoroughness of the blinding
by making them cross the stepping-stones, called from them Clochan
na ndall, near the castle. Any one who crossed withovit stumbling
was blinded again.
To strengthen themselves against the Barretts, the Lynotts got
Teaboid Mael Bourke as a foster-son, said to have been a son of
Sir Edmond Albanagh. This foster-son was killed by the Barretts
at the stream at Cornasack on the road to Ballycastle.
As an ei'ic the Barretts gave up to the Bourkes eighteen quarters
of land, Teaboid's foster-father took as his share of the eric the
assignment of the quarters, and chose them throvighout Tirawley,
that the Bourkes might plague the Barretts everywhere.
This last item seems to be the Belleek agreement, whereby about
eighteen quarters were given up. The other facts are likely to be
separately true — the murder of the steward and the punishment of
the Lynotts ; the alliance of Lynotts with Bourkes ; the killing of
Teaboid by Barretts — all brought together to account for the mixture
of clans, contrary to the usual practice of each clan having a separate
defined territory.
MacDonnells were settled at Rathlacken, Ballycastle, Ballinglen,
Ballykinlettragh, and Cloonenass. Most of them were of a family
called the clan of Aedh Buidhe.
The Bourkes of Tirawley, so far as they have been traced, were all
of the Sliocht Ricaird, descendants of John, son of Ricard O'Cuairsci,
except that the Bourkes of Turlough had the castle of Addergoole and
some lands there and about Levally and Bogadoon, and the descendants
of David Ban had a small estate.
MacWilliam's rent charge of <£40 on 160 quarters in the composition
is so close to the sum allowed on 164i quarters scattered through
Tirawley, that they must be the same assessment ; and they are both
so close to the Earl of Ulster's rents of 1333, that there can be little
doubt that they are the survival of the Eai-l's rents but slightly
modified.
As. in Carra, so here the cowrines seem to have been of the nature
of survey divisions, not, as far as we know, representing estates or
minor chiefries.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE BAROXY OF ERRIS.
Erris, lorrus larthar, or Western District, was the inheritance of the
Cinel Fedhlimidh branch of the Hy Fiachrach. Their chieftain was
O'Caithniadh, whose death is recorded in the Annals under the years
1180, 1206, and 1274. He had three sub-chiefs — O'Callaghan,
O'Muimhneachain (now called Minahan), and MacCoinin (which is
anglicised in various ways). Dumha Oaechain was the fort of the
king of the Hy Fiachrach in this country.
In the middle of the thirteenth century, the Clan Murtough
Mweenagh were in this country up to their expulsion in 1274. The
country as a whole is next found to be held under the de Burgo lord
by Jordan de Exeter.
From the Plea Rolls we learn that John Butler, who died leaving
a son Henry who was under age in 1306, held the manor of Ballycroy
from Jordan de Exeter by knight-service, namely, by half a mark of
royal service when scutage runs, and by a yearly rent of <£1, 16s. 8d.
From the Justiciary Rolls we learn that when Adam Flemyng was
killed in the battle of Kilroe fighting against Adam Cusack, his lands
of Kildarvila, Kilcommon, Killannan, and Caher were taken into the
king's hands by order of the justiciar. From these denominations
we may infer that he held a great part of Erris.
The widow of Stephen, son of Stephen de Exeter, claimed dower in
his manor of Dookeeghan in 1320.
The history of Erris is a blank until the close of the sixteenth
century, when it is mentioned as the barony of Invermore, and is in
possession of Barretts and Bourkes. The Barretts appear to have
acquired the lordship of the whole, MacWattin being called chief
therein. The Bourke intrusion into Tiran and an estate thereabouts
appears to have been of recent date, when the family first appears in
Erris. Upon what claim they came in does not appear. The Clan-
william had power to enforce any claim which one of the family might
acquire against any Barrett. The Barretts styled them forcible
intruders.
The Butler title to Ballycroy came to the hands of the Earl of
Ormond by some means, and was made effective with the re-
298
THE BARONY OF ERRIS. 299
stoi-ation of English law. MacToimin and Barretts were tenants
there.
At the time of the composition, Edmond Barrett of the castle of
Dowlagh was head of the Erris family. His sons Edmond and
Richard were brought up in England, and were attached to the
household of Lord Essex in 1594. Edmond did good service in the
wars as captain of a company, and received grants of abbey lands
and of forfeited estates, and a pension in respect of his wounds and
services.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
TIIK BARONY OF BURRISIIOOLE.
TiiK baiony owes its form to the tenures of the sixteenth century,
which owed their form to those of the thirteenth ;ind fourteenth
centuries as settled by the de Burgo lords of Connaiight, which again
depended largely on the existing thirteenth-century (Jaelic territorial
divisions in accordance with tribal occupation. Up to that time it is
only part of the kingdom of Umall. The Clan Murtougli Mweenagh
settled upon the O'Malleys in the thirteenth century. The kingdom
of Umall became the de Burgo cantred of Owyll, and was' split into
several fees when wo get details for the first time in 1333.
We first find Henry Butler in possession, who has a castle at
Tyrenmore, and has established there a small town called by the Irish
Burgheis Cinn Trachta, now known as Burrishoole. The estate was a
little more than the parish of liurrishoole, which was called Leath
Fherghuis, Fergus's half, whence we may infer that O'Fergus, head
of one of the three great divisions of Clann Maille, held it as a
chiefry. The Norman grants of large fees followed existing known
divisions.
Clan Murtough remained in Umall under the liutlers until their
rising in 1272 led to their expulsion.
John ' Butler held Owyll Butler in 1333. The liutlers do not
appear again until the close of the sixteenth century, when Lord
Ormond's title is acknowledged to this estate and to that of Ballycroy.
By unknown means the right of the descendants of Henry Butler
passed to the earls, who made their title efTective when English law
became so again.
There is indication that the earls got no rents from the estate in
the interval, that their rights were in abeyance, that the Bourkes and
O'lNIalleys treated the country as their own, perhaps acknowk'dging a
bare ownership. The O'Malleys were in Achill. The Bourkes of
Sliocht Ulick had the rest of the estate under MacWilliam in respect
of his chieftainship.
The barony was made up of this estate and of those of the Bourkes
of Sliocht Ulick, the MacPliilpins, JNlacTibbot, MacMeyler, Mac-
Daibheog Boy, MacWalter Boy, some minor estates, and the Arch-
bishop's Aghagower estate. These clans are given in the genealogical
THE BARONY OF BURRISHOOLE. 301
tables except Sliocht Walter Boy of unknown origin. Thus the
eastern boundary is not the same as that of Umall, but includes parts
of the parish of Islandeady.
Those of Clan Philpin and MacTibbot seem to be the freeholds of
the fourteenth century.
The Sliocht Ulick Bourkes had castles at Newport, then called
Bally veghan, and Rockfleet and Burrishoole.
The MacPhilpins had the castles of Aille and Aghle and Doon
in this barony, and those of Bellabourke and the New Castle near
Castlebar in Carra.
MacTibbot had the castle of Moyour, now called Castleaffy.
This estate may be taken to represent that which William of Umall
held in 1333.
The MacMeylers seem to have been tenants of other freeholders,
and were very few. Some are described as of Kilmaclasser.
Sliocht MicDaibheog Buidhe were a branch of the Clan Gibbon.
Three of the name of M'Cavoke Boy are described as of Rosscleave,
which was within the Butler estate. The Sliocht Walter Buidhe are
perhaps of the same clan, but there is nothing to indicate their dwell-
ing-place. Both of these clans are named in the composition as liable
to a rent charge for Mac William.
The Clan Gibbon had little land of their own in this barony. They
had Ballyknock Castle and lands, and were chiefly tenants under the
Archbishop and others.
A family of MacDonnells called Clanrannell were settled in the
castle of Cai-rickenedy and at Clogher.
These were the only freeholders of importance.
Rockfleet, in itself a poor little tower, deserves notice as the only
castle known to have been the dwelling-place of Grainne ni -Mhaille.
In early youth she may have lived with her father in any of the
O'Malley castles, and after marriage she lived in her husband's castles.
After Sir R. Bourke's death she settled in this tower within the
country where her son-in-law, Richard Bourke the Devil's Hook's son,
was chief.
A lawsuit relating to the manor of Aghagower shows the difliculties
arising from coexistence of English and Brehon Law.^
John Stanton and his wife Joan sued Archbishop William Berming-
ham for two parts of that manor as the inheritance of Joan, whereof
the Archbishop dispossessed Mathew Magelaghy, brother of Joan, who
is his heiress.
The Archbishop replies that he need not answer Joan, because she
is an Irishwoman and is not of the five families entitled to use
English law.
1 Cal. Plea Rolls, 25 Ed. I., R. 38, M. 21.
302 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Tliey reply that he must answer, because his predecessor, Ai'chbishop
Marianus,! enfeoifed Benyach Macgreathey,- with assent of his
chapter. After death of Benyach, Adam, his son and heir, being a
minor, was a ward of the king during vacancy of Tuam, and after
Thomas O'Connor was made Archbishop, Thomas took homage of
Adam, being of full age. After Adam's death, Mathew was a minor
and was in custody of Archbishop Stephen Fulebourne, to whom
Mathew did homage, and suit and service at the Court of Archbishop
William, of which Mathew Joan is heiress.
They say that the charter of enfeoffment was burnt at Athlethan
and can be proved. The Archbishop replies that she cannot prove
it, because she is an Irishwoman. A day is given for judgment. The
decision is not enrolled.
The provisions of the Treaty of Windsor in 1175, preserving to the
Irish the use of their own customs, might have worked fairly well if
English manors had been inhabited only by the English, and Irish
lands only by the Irish. These pleas show the incompatibility of the
two systems. Two questions were raised here — Were the archbishops
debarred from pleading that Joan is an Irishwoman by having treated
her brother, father, and grandfather as Englishmen ? and can an Irish-
woman prove a lost document by secondai-y evidence when it is neces-
sary to establish her right to English la\v ? But the second question
may not have been in issue, as the Archbishop's plea may have been
intended as a general denial of the right claimed.
If she failed to establish English light, the King's Court would
have dismissed the suit for want of jurisdiction, without pronouncing
on the claim. She would have been left to her Irish law for redress.
It would have given her none. The Archbishop would not have sub-
mitted himself to a Brehon's judgment voluntarily, and there was no
force behind a Brehon to compel submission. It shows where Irish
laws failed.
The plea shows also that Irish archbishops let out see lands to
middlemen in large holdings. If the name is MacOirechtaigh, we
see that the old comarb lands were let out to the Airchinnechs.
^ O'Lachtnain, who died in 1249.
- Benedict Mageraghty (see a.d. 1247).
CHAPTER XXXV.
THE BARONY OF MURRISK.
This barony is the country in which O'Malley was chief when
baronies were laid out. With Burrishoole it forms the kingdom of
Aicill and Umall, which comes into history at the battle of Moy
Lena.
Aicill seems to be a descriptive term applied to mountainous
country. Umall means low, and applies in this sense to the country
lying east of Clew Bay, as Aicill applies to the parts lying north and
south of the bay. The title may be translated as King of Highland
and Lowland. Aicill survives in Achill Island and Ourraun Achill.
The term was applied to the country between Clew Bay and the
Killeries in the thirteenth century.
Though at all times an independent kingdom acknowledging supre-
macy of only the King of Connaught, it was too small to play an
independent part, and therefore is rarely mentioned in the Annals.
The earliest chieftains were families of the Clann Umoir. Clann
Maille probably descended from one of them, but were tacked on
to Brian Orbsen by the genealogists, and were known as Hy Briuin
Umaill. The early part of the pedigree of O'Malley is not trust-
worthy. Seven generations will not fill the space between Brian
Orbsen and Flannabhra, who died in 773, the first lord of Umall
mentioned in the Annals. A couple more are missing between him
and Domnall Ruadh.
Clann Maille were renowned as seamen in eaidy times. The entries
in the Annals and the sixteenth-century State Papers show how they
maintained their renown.
(F.M.) 1384. A meeting took place between O'Flaherty and
O'Malley, but a quarrel arose between them, in which Owen O'Malley,
Cormac O'Malley (i.e. Cormac Cruinn), and many others besides these
were slain by the people of O'Flaherty.
1396. Melaghlin, son of Conor O'Malley, and a son of Theobald
of the Kerne, one of the Clanrickard, went with a ship to plunder in
Connemara. They killed a grandson of Cathal Boy O'Flaherty, and
filled their ship with spoils, but the ship was wrecked between Aran
and the mainland, and all, thirty-three in number, or all but one,
were drowned.
303
304 THK EARr.Y HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
1413. Tuathal O'Malley had been serving in Ulster as a soldier
for a year. He was going home with seven ships, when a storm
drove them to Scothmd about tlie feast of St. Columcille, when six
of the ships were wrecked and the crews drowned, upwards of 240.
Some MacSweenys were with him.
1415. O'Malley, Hugh, plundered Dermot O'Malley. Dermot
took O'Malley's island. A battle ensued, in which Hugh and his
son Conor were killed, and Dermot's son Donnell and a son of Thomas
O'Malley. The sovereignty now passed from Hugh's descendants,
and Dermot became king.
1427. Hugh O'Malley, son of Dermot, heir to the lordship, went
with a fleet to Tirconnell, and was slain in retiring to his ships.
(D.F.) 1460. Donnell, son of Dermot O'Malley, and William and
John O'Malley joined O'Brien's sons in an attack by sea on Corco-
vaskin against MacMahon. They were driven back to their ships,
and the three O'Malleys were slain befoi-e they reached them, and
many of their men were killed.
(A.XJ.) 1513. Eoghan O'Maille went to Killybegs with three ships
when the nobles of the country were absent on a rising out. They
burnt the town and took many prisoners. A storm prevented them
fi'om embarking, and they had to wait near their ships. A young
MacSweeuy boy and some O'Gallaghers collected some idlers and
farm hands and rushed on them. They slew Eoghan and five or six
score of his men, rescued the prisoners, and took two ships.
(L.C.) 1524. Cormac O'Malley's son Dermot was killed while help-
ing O'Conor Kerry in a raid into Duhallow.
1560. Tuathal O'Malley joined an O'Brien of Aran in an expedi-
tion against Desmond. On their return the ship was wrecked at
Invermore. Only O'Brien and three men escaped.
1568. John na Seoltadh, son of Donnell O'Malley, went with
a long ship to pay a visit to MacMaurice of Kerry at Lixnaw.
MacSweeny, a constable of Gallowglasses, was also there on a visit,
with only fifty of his men, after his engagement with MacMaurice
had ended. James FitzGerald, who had charge of Lord Desmond's
estate, came against Lixnaw in gieat force. The visitors stood by
MacMaurice, and advised to attack the enemy. He did so, and de-
feated them with great loss.
1583. Some O'Malleys went to Ulster and killed Donogh O'Boyle
on Iniscaoil in Gweebarra Bay.
1594. In July some O'Malleys of the Out Isles plundered the
shore of MacSweeny Banagh's country.
We must regret that the Irish writers have not recorded the
exploits which earned for Grainne ni Mhaille so great a name among
her Irish and English contemporaries.
THE BARONY OF MURRISK. 305
The following collection of obits shows that the O'Malleys fought a
good deal with each other : —
(F.M.) 1094. Gilla na ninghen Ua Cobhthaigh, King of Umhall,
Airchinnech of Aghagower, was killed by the men of Carra. 1176.
Donnell O'Malley, Lord of Umhall, died. 1220. Dubhdara, son of
Muredhach O'Malley, was killed by Cathal Ci'ovdeig. 1235. Donnell
and Murtough, sons of Muredhach O'Malley, were killed by O'Conors.
(L.C.) 1337. Donnell Ruadh and his son Cormac were killed by
Merricks. 1361. Tuathal died. 1362. Owen and his son Dermot
died. 1401. Donnell, the king, died. 1408. Cormac O'Malley was
killed by his brother. (A.U.) 1416. Tuathal was killed by the sons
of his brother Dubhgall. (L.C.) 1429. Melaghlin, heir to the lord-
ship, was slain by the sons of O'Malley. (D.F.) 14S0. Brian
O'Malley was slain by his brother Hvigh, son of Teige, in a dispute.
(L.C.) 1467. O'Malley, i.e. Tadhg, son of Dermot, died.
But one fight with Bourkes is recorded. In 1378 the O'Malleys
killed Walter, son of William.
The principal dwelling of the kings was at or near Belclare from
very early times. The castle of Belclare, near the modern house,
may be taken to have been the successor of the fort called Cruachan
of Aigill, if it was not on the site of the Dun. Cruachan had the
meaning of a king's fort, and we have evidence that this Cruachan
was in that neighbourhood in the record of St. Patrick's visit to
Cruachan of Aigill, which was under the Hill of Aigill, now called
Croaghpatrick. The old church of Cloonpatrick represents the Patri-
cian foundation.
O'Malley was the only Gaelic chieftain of Mayo who retained his
rank until the extinction of the title. He appears as a tenant of the
Earl of Ulster in 1333. He must have acquired the Lawless and
Knappagh estates of that time, which, with some see lands, and
perhaps some land not let out for money rent, covered the barony
of Murrisk. We can take O'Malley's towns to have been about
Belclare and in the east, and the Lawless estate to have been towards
the west, because John Sturmyn sued Maurice Lawless and his wife
for warranty of the Isles of Inishboffin and Inishark.^ This also
shows, what we would not have supposed likely, that Englishmen
were then able to get enough profit out of those isles to make them
worth litigation.
O'Malley owed no rent to Mac William, only a rising out. He was
so hemmed in by the Bourkes as to be necessarily dependent on
Mac William, and especially on his nearest neighbours, the Sliocht
Ulick.
The MacGibbons had no separate clan lands, were freeholders
1 Cal. Plea Rolls, 9 Edw. I., R. 7.
U
306 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
under O'Malley or tenants under other freeholders, and dwelt chiefly
in the east and round by the south to Aillemore. The MacGibbon
estate in Knappagh may have dated from the fourteenth century,
but all who dwelt within the barony held under O'Malley in the
sixteenth century, except the tenants of the ecclesiastical lands.
The O'Malleys alone possessed castles. That of Belclare, and
perhaps more, went with the chieftainship. The other castles were
at Caher na Mart, one near Louisburgh, now named Crania's Castle
on the maps, Clare Island, and Inishboflin. Clare Island castle alone
remains. The family occupied Kildavnet Castle in Achill.
The composition describes O'Malley's country as consisting of two
divisions of thirty-six quarters each, called Lorge Owle O'Mayle and
Ilane ne Moghere. If the former be meant for Lurg Umhaill O'Maille,
it means "End of O'Malley's TJmhall," and describes the western
half of the country and the great islands.
Ilane ne Moghere is the small island in Moher Lake on which are
traces of stone building. It must have been a place of note, or it
would not have given a name to half the chiefry. We may take it
to have been O'Malley's principal crannoge and place of safety for
his valuables in troublous times ; it may be O'Malley's island which
Dermot took in 1415.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE BARONY OF GALLEN.
This barony is the lordship of MacJordan de Exeter, which was the
western part of O'Gadhra's kingdom called Gailenga, whereof the
eastern part was Sliabh Lugha. The barony boundary follows parish
boundaries, except where a part of the scattered parish of Kilda-
commoge is split.
Coolcarney came into O'Gadhra's kingdom before the de Burgo
conquest, having been previously under the lordship of O'Caomhain.
Its inhabitants were then of the Oalry race. In the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries some families of Clan Donogh O'Dowda settled
there, whence arose an objection to the county boundaries as first laid
down, the county of Sligo claiming Coolcarney as lying jDroperly
within its bounds, which were intended to include all the families
which acknowledged O'Dowda as their head. But their landlord Avas
MacJordan, O'Dowda being only a tribe-lord.
Ko more is known of the early history of this territory than what
has been given elsewhere.
Hugh de Lacy was R. de Burgo's grantee of this cantred, which he
soon transferred to Jordan de Exeter or his father, but Jordan is the
first person who is known to have been in actual occupation. Jordan
is first mentioned in a grant of 1239-40, by which Maurice Fitz-
Gerald conveyed to him part of the barony of Leyny, which he
afterwards surrendered.
In 1250 the king gave him twenty-five marks yearly in reward of
services vmtil he should be given waste lands worth ^£20 a year, which
were given about the parish of Killallaghtan in Galway, to be held
by the service of one knight.
He was killed in 1258 while Sheriff of Connaught.
To him we must attribute the building of the castle of Ballylahan,
the only thirteenth-century castle in Mayo whose plan can be made
out. It stands on a spur of high ground overlooking Athlethan, the
Broad Ford, having a gate-tower as princij)al dwelling, and a wall
with flanking towers following the crest of the ground, enclosing an
irregularly shaped court.
He founded the Dominican Friary at Strade in 1253. According
to the Registry of the Dominican house of Athenry, he had pre-
308 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
viously put Franciscans there, but turned them out at instance of his
wife, Basilia, dau«,'hter of jNIeyler de Bermingham.
He was succeeded in this lordship by his son Meiler, who was
killed in 1289, and he by his son Meiler, who was killed in 1317,
whose heir was his uncle Jordan.
This Jordan was active in Connaught, was sheriff in 1269 and
asrain in 1279, and was constable of Roscommon Castle in 1280. He
is found in possession of the cantred of Erris. At the close of the
century he held from the king the barony of Athmethan, in Co.
Waterford, at a rent of =£20, 13s. 4d. He died about 1319, leaving
a widow, Barnaba. His son John was lord of Athlethan in 1335.
In 1302 he is named with his wife Ismania, who seems to have been
heiress of a Christophre. Their son Jordan Bacach seems to have
claimed lands in Cork through Ismania. ^
This Jordan Bacach does not appear in Connaught history. It may
be inferred that he succeeded to his father's Munster estate, and
John to the Connaught estate, and that his descendants recorded by
MacFirbis were a junior branch.
The relationship of the branches of the de Exeter family extant in
the thirteenth century are obscure, but the family was rich and of
high rank.
Internal evidence suggests that the Annals called " of Multifarn-
ham " were written at Strade by Brother Stephen de Exeter. They
close in 1274, when a monastery was founded at Rathfran, where the
author may have gone. They record the death of John de Exeter in
1261 ; of Eva, Richard's first wife, in 1262 ; of Mabilia, his second
wife, in 1264 ; his marriage to Ysemain, daughter of David de Pren-
dergast, in 1269 ; the birth of her son John in 1270 ; and the succes-
sion of Richard to the place of the Justiciary. These Annals ignore
Jordan and his line. The Irish Annals ignore Richard's line. The
John who died in 1261 was probably Richard's father.
Sir Richard was Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in 1273 ; con-
stable of the castles of Roscommon and Randown in 1282-84 ; and
was killed in battle in Thomond in 1287. He acquired a large estate
in Roscommon, where he built a castle at Athleague.
He was succeeded by his son. Sir Richard, who became Chief
Justice of the Common Pleas, and was keeper of the castles of Ros-
common and Randown in 1302 and 1304. He was Sheriff of Ros-
common in 1292 and in 1302. He died in 1327. His son Simon,
who had been a justice, became Chief Justice of the Common Pleas
in 1335. His son Richard owned the manor of Derver in 1347.
A conveyancing transaction, for which no reason is given, intended
probably to clear title, shows the estates of Sir Richard in 1305.
1 Cal. Justiciary Rolls.
THE BARONY OF GALLEN. 309
He transfers by several deeds all his lands held of the king to
Nicholas de Exeter, a priest. The king conj&rms the transfer on
the 20th May. Nicholas transfers them back to Sir llichard. The
king confirms on the 30th June. Like transactions take place in
respect of lands not held in capite}
He held in capite in Meath the manors of Staghcallan, Carrig,
Listathell, Bryaneston, Crowenbeg, and Rathslyberaght, messuages
and lands, and =£21, 9s. 4d. rents in Rathbranna, Donneyvin, Imelagh-
began, and le Newenhagard near Trim ; the manors of Derver and
Corbally ; in Roscommon, the Athleague estate.^
From the lords of the fees he held the manors of Bellaghlysconan
and Lynne, and houses and lands, and 40s. rents, and the manors of
Baronnyston and Phelipyston de Nugent in Louth. The last two
manors seem to have been held in right of his wife, Elizabeth. In
Roscommon he had lands and houses in Roscommon and in the Ii'ish
town of Roscommon, and 5| villatas of land.
The family must have held a very high position in Meath, whence
we may infer that Jordan and Stephen were junior members of that
family.
MacFirbis derives Clan Stephen from Jordan Og, but there was
another earlier and more important line of Stephens connected with
Mayo.
Stephen, son of Stephen, and Johanna, widow of Stephen, filed suits
against R. Fleming at Dublin in 1280. In 1290 Sir Stephen acted
in Meath inquisitions, and is mentioned in 1302 with his son S.^
Stephen was killed at Athleth'an in 1316, called lord of the place
in the Annals of Ulster, bub in the Hid. et Gen. chief of his nation,
which would apply to Sir Stephen if he was not a grandson of
Jordan Mor. It is, indeed, not improbable that Jordan was a younger
son of the family of which Sir Stephen was the head. Meiler was
killed in 1317. In 1318 Matilda, widow of Stephen, son of Stephen,
sued for dower in the manors of Moyrathir, Dawathlethren, Dowath-
myl . . . , and in the manor of Duffathkeeghan in Urrus.^ Only
the last is identified as Dunkeeghan in Erris. At the same time,
the Pipe Rolls mention the estate of the late Stephen, son of Stephen,
in Athmethan, and state that Meiler, son of Meiler, had the ward-
ship of the lands in Connaught which Stephen held in capite during
nonage of the heir, whose name is not given, and that Meiler having
died, his uncle Jordan was his heir. I find nothing to show what
lands Stephen held in capite in Connaught. They must have been in
the king's cantreds.
Sir Stephen, therefore, was a man of high position, in close rela-
1 P.K., 83 Ed. I. 2 E,s.A.I.. 1903, p. 2i0.
3 P.K., 8 Ed. I., and D.I. * P.R., 13 Ed. II.
310 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
tions with the race of Jordan by occupation of lands in Mayo and
Waterford. He and Jordan Og were heads of two independent
branches, and he was recognised by the Irish as the head of a family.
It is therefore probable that his father is the Stephen from whom
MacStephen sprang, and that he had a position analogous to that of
MacSeonin, holding an estate by a title independent of that of
Jordan de Exeter. The position of the three castles of Clan Stephen
in a part of a parish divided arbitrarily from the barony of Carra
raises a suspicion that the MacStephen estate was originally in
Carra, and that MacStephen transferred his allegiance to his kins-
man of Gallen in the fourteenth century.
This case of Sir Stephen shows, what appears clearly in the Plea
Rolls, that in King Edward I.'s time law was so well established in
these parts that a Meath family could profitably hold remote manors
in Eriis and Waterford.
To his father we may with most probability assign the foundation of
Eathfran Abbey, though there is no record of his connection with it,
and it may have been founded by Joi'dan Og. A Thomas de Exeter
is found at Rathfran in 1577 (13 D.K. 3081). The family had an
estate there in the seventeenth century. It alone retained the name
of de Exeter in the sixteenth century, the other branches using Irish
surnames, as MacJordan and MacStephen. We must hold MacFirbis's
descent of this family from Jordan Og to be doubtful.
The MacJordans were not always on good terms with the Mac-
Williams. The hostility resulted in a settlement made by Sir IST.
Malbie, whereby Mac William's chieftain rights were commuted for
money rent, reducing occasions of quarrel. Though this settlement
is not recorded in the State Papers, it has support from Sir N.'s
dealings with MacJordan in his early compositions.
In the beginning of the seventeenth century MacJordan sold to
Theobald Dillon his heritable rights.
The following entries appear in the Annals after 1320 : —
(L.C.) 1336. Meyler MacJordan de Exeter died. 1355. Stephen
was killed. (F.M.) MacJordan, lord of Athlethan, and John were
killed. Here we must refer to the calendar of the Patent Rolls,
4 Rich. II,, wherein it appears that the Bishop of Clonmacnoise as
Sheriff of Connaught reported that John, son of John, is heir of
Meiler de Exeter deceased, and is under age. This must be the
Meiler who was killed in 1380 ; it is most unlikely that any other
family is referred to. If so, the genealogy requires reconstruction.
We should make 5 (1) John to be a son of 4 (2) John, taking him to
be the heir of 1381. The Bishop would follow the English law of
succession, but at this period the family would disregard English
law and the succession would fall to the eldest of the family or the
THE BARONY OF GALLEN. 311
*
most active. The following entries show how imperfect the genealogy
really is. 1394. Mac Jordan, John, son of Meiler, lord of Athlethan,
was killed by the sons of John. (F.M.) 1416. MacJordan attacked
the western O'Haras, intervening in an existing O'Hai'a quarrel.
O'Hara and some Sligo O'Conors met the van of his army, when
O'Hara and several of his allies were slain. MacJordan plundered
the country, but was attacked in his retreat and killed with O'Rowan
and Hugh O'Rowan and MacDuarcan, lord of Culneiridh. 1426.
Richai'd MacJordan of the Wood was killed by MacJordan Duff
(MacCostello). (A.U.) 1497. The sons of John Mor MacJordan were
slain in treachery in the spring by MacJordan, Thomas, and by his
sons. (L.C.) 1520. William MacJordan died. 1584. MacJordan, i.e.
Thomas Duff, died.
We have two entries relating to the great bardic and literary
family of O'Higgin, which had a good estate in Leyny : (A.U.) 1448.
O hUiginn, Tadhg Og, a very eminent scholar who kept a great school,
died at Kilconla, and was buried at Athlethan, i.e. Strade. 1476. Brian,
son of Farrell Roe O'Higgin, head of his tribe, an eminent poet, died
on Maundy Thursday and was buried at Athlethan.
This barony is remarkable among the Mayo baronies for the number
of Gaelic families who had small freeholds at the close of the sixteeiith
century, as shown in the Inquisitions of 14 James I. These inquisi-
tions, after making allowances for changes arising from sales and
forfeitures, represent fairly the general state of the tenures as they
were when the composition prepared new conditions. O'Rowans,
MacDurcans, O'Higgins, O'Haras, O'Hennegans held a considerable
extent, usually in small parcels. MacNicholases held estates near
Bohola. Their name suggests that they were of English descent.
As MacJordan sold his estate to Dillon, so other MacJordans sold
to him. Sir Theobald Bourke, and other persons before inquisitions
were taken in the time of King James to ascertain the names of all
the freeholders and the extent of their lands. Hence we cannot
tell how the bai-ony was divided among the de Exeters except in a
general way.
Our first information is in the Division of Connaught, showing the
castles of Corraun, Bellavary, and Danganmore in possession of the
MacStephens, as they were in 1617. The Sleight Henry had Kean-
condroe, Bohola, and Newcastle. The first is, I think, Ballinamore.
They form a compact block next east of Clan Stephen. MacJordan na
Kelle has Clanvara Castle, not identified, probably in the Swinford
district, the castle of the Tuath of Clanmanny.
The composition has eight denominations, whereof two are parcels
of ecclesiastical lands, as follows : Clan Stephen, 16 qrs. ; Clanmanny,
16 qrs. ; Toae Bohola, 16 qrs. ; Toae Newcastle, 16 qrs. ; Coolcarney
312 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
ancl Toae Bellahaghe, 64 qrs. ; Bellalahen, 16 qrs. ; Kinaff and Kille-
dan, 6 qrs. ; Strade Abbey, 4 qrs. Excluding the ecclesiastical lands
and Bellalahen, which seems to have gone witli the chieftainship, the
barony is divided into five portions, whereof one is equal to the other
four together. Mac Jordan got 10 qrs. free in Coolcarney and Bella-
haghe, and Jordan FitzThomas of Bellahaghe got 4 qrs. free. This
Jordan, therefore, was the next most important man after the
chieftain in the branch of the family to which the chieftainship
was attached. The first four tuaths thus appear to be heredi-
tary estates of branches of the family which had lost right to the
succession, comprising most of the land south of the Moy. These
tuaths did not belong exclusively to the families which we know or
suppose to have occupied them. Other freeholders were mixed with
de Exeters. We may take it that while these represent hereditary
estates in a general way, the great tuath of Coolcarney and Bellahaghe
was under the direct management and control of the chieftainship
branch — the line of Thomas Duff — and that, but for the change of
tenui-e, estates would have been provided for other branches, and had
been to some extent.
In 1617 we find Henry Mac Jordan owning the castle of Bellahagh,
or Old Castle, and Callough, Calbhach, owning that of Toomore or
Cloongee, with large estates attached — Henry's mainly in Attymas,
and a little near Bellahagh ; Callough's mainly in Kilgarvan, and a
little in Kilconduff and Meelick. As they held shares in two quarters
in Attymas, Callough may be taken as of the family of Thomas Mac-
Jordan of Bellahagh.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE BARONY OF COSTELLO.
This barony is the lordship of MacCostello, from whom it takes its
name, but was first named after Belahaunes. The part north of the
parish of Aghamore was in the kingdom of Luighne or Gailenga, and
was a subdivision of the latter called Sliabh Lugha. In St. Patrick's
time the Ciarraige had some of the eastern part about Castlemore
and the Letter, which they had lost by the thirteenth century.
As far back as history goes clearly, the southern part was in
possession of the Ciarraige, successors of tribes called Cruithnech
in the Attacottic list ; but they make no great show in history, being
one of the tribes on which Brian Orbsen's ancestors and descendants
rested their supremacy in that early period when the legends give
little more than names of chief kings.
In the thirteenth century it was held by two divisions called
Ciarraige Uachtarach and Ciarraige lochtarach, the latter better
known as Ciarraige of Loch na nAirneadh, i^ow Lough Mannin.
O'Ceirin was chief of all, and had his principal dwelling on or near
the lake. Mannin House is close to the site of Mannin Castle, which
is on a small peninsula. The country about the lake is full of
cashels and duns. In the lake were many crannoges. About the
lake are many prehistoric graves and remains of cromlechs, evidence
that for many ages the lake has been surrounded by the dwellings of
families of high position.
In the de Burgo partition Hugh de Lacy had a grant of 81iabh
Lugha. We next find Miles MacGoisdelbh established as lord of
Sliabh Lugha. As he is said to have been married to a daughter of
the Earl of Ulster, he probably got it from Hugh.
Jocelyn de Angulo came to Ireland with his sons Philip and
Gilbert, called by the Irish MacGoisdelbh, where Goisdelbh is a
corruption of Jocelyn, corrupted back into English as MacCostello.
In Hugh de Lacy's enfeoffment of Meath, Jocelyn got the barony of
the Navan, and his son Gilbert got Machaire Gaileng, comprising Mor-
gallion and Ratoath. . Philip and Gilbert were outlawed for rebellion
in 1195. Gilbert's fiefs were forfeited, and were given by Walter de
Lacy to his brother Hugh about 1198. In 1206 King John pardoned
Philip and Gilbert and William de Angulo. This William had been
314 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
associated with Philip and (iilbert in their rebellion, and had held
lands under the king and under Walter de Lacy, which Avere restored
to him.^ As he is the ancestor of the MacGoisdelbhs of Mayo, we
must take him to have been a son of Jocelyn.
Philip was allowed to succeed to his father's lands. Gilbert lost all
his Meath hinds. He had taken service as a soldier under King
Cathal Crovderg, who gave him lands in Hy Many. When he was
pardoned, King John confirmed to him what he held from King
Cathal so fai- as it lay in that king's part of Connaught, and made
him a grant of other lands, probably the rest of Cathal's grant.
Being afterwards in the king's service, he built the castle of
Caeluisce with King Cathal's help, probably near Ballyshannon, and
was killed there and the castle burnt in the following year, 1213.
His family held the Hy Many estates until the partition by
Richard de Burgo, when they seem to have been taken up in an
amicable way from his successoi'S, as Muintermailfinnain, a part of
them, was held by Earl William on a different tenure from that of
the rest of Connaught. The family probably died* out in the male
line, as no more is heard of this branch.
Miles MacGoisdelbh now appears fighting in Conmaicne in Co.
Leitrim for the Lord of the Navan, who had a grant from Walter
de Lacy. He built the castle of Athanchip in 1245, but was driven
out of the country in 1247. Thus ended the attempt of the Lord of
the Navan to hold that country directly.
He appears next as Lord of Sliabh Lugha, holding the great castle
of Sliabh Lugha, Castlemore, which replaced Ailech Mor Ciarraige,
a few yards away. He died in 1259. His wife had been buried in
Boyle Abbey, which we may take to have been the family burying-
place until Urlare was built.
In 1324 Matilda, widow of Jordan de Angulo, and her husband,
Nicholas de Kerdyff, sue John and Gilbert de Angulo for her dower
in the manor of Castlanmor in Connaught ; and John sues certain
persons for lands in Angevyneston near Ardbraccan, and other places,
claiming as son of Jordan, son of Hugo, son of Milo, son of Philip,
son of William, who lield them of the king in capite in the time
of King John. Matilda sought dower also in the manors of Kilbixi
and Kinclare in West Meath.- This suggests that Jordan was not
long dead.
John pleaded that his father had not such fee and freehold in
Castlemore on the day of his marriage as to enable him to endow
Matilda. 3 Gilbert's position in the suit does not appear. He was
1 D.I., I., Nos. 36.3, 43G, GTS. 2 P.K., 17, 18 Ed. II.
=* Matilda's claim was admitted except as to Castlemore, regarding which the
result does not appear.
THE BARONY OF COSTELLO. 315
probably the owner in possession. It may be inferred that Gilbert
or his father had been enfeoffed of this manor. He and the Thomas
and David who were killed in 1292 would be Gilbert Mor's three
sons.
The Plea Rolls show that about the time of Milo's death a Gilbert
was in litigation with a Philip about land in Obresil, and with a
William about other land. A Michael also appears, and appears
again in a Pipe Ptoll of .30 Edw. I. as owing half a knight's service
for Obresil,^ which name survives in Brazil townland, in Killossery
parish, Nethercross barony, Co. Dublin. But we have no informa-
tion as to extent of the estates of this family in Meath and Dublin,
nor as to the relation of the line of Milo to the other members of that
family.
The record of the death of Hugo in 1266 in the Annals of Loch Ce
shows that he was known in Connaught.
Philip was Sheriff of Connaught in 1277. The sheriffs were men
of high position in those times. It is probable, therefore, that he
held the cantred of Kerry Oughter, which we find later on in the
possession of his descendants, the MacJordans. Jordan or his
successor must have taken over the cantred of Kerry Eighter or
Kerry Lochnarney from the FitzGerald lord. Though the MacJordan
Duff estate was thus about equal, or even greater than that of Mac-
Costello, none of this clan was ever given the title of MacCostello ;
they always acknowledged that the title lay in the senior line.
From Philip's son Baldraithe came also the small clan of Mac-
Philip of the Letter, who had Doo Castle in that region.
Waldrons live about Ballyhaunis who, I am told, are commonly
called Walder by their neighbours, and, according to some of them,
ought to be called Bhaldraithe. This suggests that Philip originated
a thii"d clan called MacBhaldraithe and MacBhaldrin. The latter
form is given in the Annals of Loch Ce, 1336, and by O'Clery.
My genealogy is taken from that of D. MacFirbis from Miles
Bregach downwards. From Edmond an Machaire downwards it
seems correct. The thirteenth and fourteenth century parts are
open to doubt. An ancestor has certainly been dropped between
Gilbert Og and Edmond, whom I insert as John, who died in 1366.
The descent of the lordship at this time seems to have been strictly
in accordance with English law.
Many names entered in the Annals cannot be placed. The
Genealogies as a rule omit those Avhose descendants did not survive
to the time of compilation. Thus the second Edmond an Machaire
is omitted, and also the Philip whose son was set up as chief in 1487.
Castlemore was always MacCostello's chief castle. Rathnaguppaun,
1 38 D.K.
31G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
now called Rath Castle, was the chief castle of MacJordan Duff,
probably where Philip established himself. When other castles and
lands were sold to Theobald Dillon, MacJordan kept it and some land
about it. The ruins show it to have been a large building.
In course of time MacCostello and MacJordan founded monasteries
for their territories at Urlare and ]iallyhaunis. In the seventeenth
century tradition told that the latter had been founded on the site of
a manor-house of the de Barrys. Thick foundations have been found
at the monastery.
Lying on the borders of the Silmurray and the Luighne, the
^lacCostellos were almost always at war with their neighbours,
and sometimes among themselves. They were the first colonists
of their high rank who adopted Gaelic names. MacRudhraighe
appears as a surname at the close of the sixteenth centviry. They
were probably the descendants of the man of that name who was
killed in 1545.
There is no trace of sui-vival of any other English colonists into the
sixteenth century.
War of the MacCostellos and ]\IacDermots.
Almost always at war with each other, these tribes in the six-
teenth century carried on a more definite warfare than usual, inde-
pendently of the larger contests of the greater lords. Other periods
may have been much the same, but this is more fully described by
the annalists.
In 1547 Jordan Boy, son of John, son of Walter MacCostello, went
into Moylurg with eighteen followers to seek stolen property. Brian,
son of Ruaidhri, son of Tadhg MacDermot, with only six men met
him. Brian being badly wounded, his men submitted, but Brian
had wounded the Gilladuff, son of Philip (or MacPhilip) severely.
Tadhg became MacDermot in 1549. He invited the learned men
of Ireland to visit him at Christmas, when he was so generous and
libei'al that on St. Stephen's Day he divided among the professors
and poets all the plunder which he had taken from MacCostello,
being 60 cows, and from Clan Philip, being 1200 (120?) and 10 horses.
These must have been acquired in raids in revenge of Brian.
In 1551 Jordan Boy came again, and was defeated by the Mac-
Dermots at the Upper Muinchend, losing twenty to forty men.
In 1553, the MacDermots being at war among themselves, Jordan
Boy took a prey from Brian ]\lacDermot's people, and, with the help
of Eoghan MacDermot's sons, killed Tomaltach MacDermot treacher-
ously on the Lung.
In retaliation, MacDermot's sons made a great depredation on
Jordan Boy in 1554.
In 1557 Brian MacDermot plundered MacCostello and burnt
THE BARONY OF COSTELLO. 317
Tiilrohan. A large force overtook him, but he carried oflE his booty
after a fight.
In 1560 he plundered Jordan again, and killed Heni-y O'Gradaigh's
sons.
This quarrel seems to have ended when Jordan was killed by
David Ban Bourke's sons in Ballyloughdalla in Tirawley. It does
not appear why he was there or why he was killed.
The following notes from the Annals show the life led on the
borders of Mayo and Roscommon from fourteenth to sixteenth
century : —
(L.C.) 1333. Gilbert killed. 1336. Maiduic, son of Balldrin, killed.
13-1:0. Jordan Ruadh killed by Cathal MacDermot Gall. William,
son of Gilbert, was slain in a conflict in Brefne by the Tellach Echach.
134G. The sons of Balldrin treacherously slew Maghnus MacDermot
Gall in his own house. 1365. An attack was made by Clann Gois-
delbh on the Luighne, on which occasion six sons of kings were slain,
along with Cormac O'Hara, the Tanist. 1366. John, lord of Sliabh
Lugha, died.
(O'Flaherty's Annals.) 1367. Milo, son of Jordan Duff; Johnock,
son of John, son of Jordan Duff ; William, son of Jordan Ruadh ;
and David, son of Philip, were killed.
(F.M.) 1384. Miles died. U17. John plundered Edmond an
Machaire, but was shot after he had carried off the prey. 1426.
Richard MacJordan na Coille (de Exeter) was taken prisoner by
Owen, son of Flaherty, and delivered up to MacJordan Duff, who
destroyed him. 1428. John Finn was killed. 1437. MacCostello,
i.e. Edmond an Machaire, died. 1438. Jordan, son of John, died.
1443. O'Flynn and some of his kindred were slain by the Clan
Costello at the house of O'Killeen. 1449. O'Flynn was slain in
his own house by the sons of Walter Boy MacCostello.
(D. MacFirbis's Annals.) 1461. Fergal O'Gara, that ought to be
King of Coolavin, was slain by MacCostello. 1464. O'Flynn and his
brother and five of their men were slain in Clooncrim by the sons of
Philip MacCostello.
(F.M.) 1464. Tomaltach Og O'Gara was slain by night in a skirmish
on Clooncarha in Kilmovee parish by Maurice MacDermot Gall, who
Avas in alliance with MacCostello. 1467. David was killed by Mac-
Fheorais. 1468. Edmond an Machaire was killed by his brother
William. 1487. MacCostello, John Duff, died. His own brother
William, son of Edmond an Machaire, and Jordan, son of Philip,
were both set up as lords. 1493. David, son of Meyler, son of
Edmond an Machaire, was slain by O'Haras. 1496. MacCostello was
taken prisoner by MacDermot.
318 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
(L.C.) 1536. MacCostello, John, sou of the Gilladuff, was killed by
Piers and by some of the people of Airtech — treacherously, according
to the Four Masters. See also above, p. 167. 1545. MucCostello, i.e.
Walter, son of William MacCostello, went on an expedition to Bunni-
nadden against the sons of the O'Oonor Sligo, who had been killed
lately by the MacDermots. The O'Conors and some MacSAveenys
defeated him, killing MacCostello and his son Rudhraighe at Ruscach
na Gaithi. 1555. MacCostello, Piers, was killed. 1561. Jordan Boy
was killed. 1581, Thomas an tSleibhe, son of Richard, died. 1582.
The Gilladuff Og and Egnechan, sons of the Gilladuff, were killed.
1586. The son of MacCostello, William, son of Piers, was hanged
by the Sheriff of Roscommon on Dumha na Romhanach. In 1588
Sir R. Bingham wrote that the Sheriff Eyland had hanged by warrant
one " Pers" MacCostello, a traitor for whom Sir N. Malbie had offered
£200 in vain. It does not appear what Pers had done to be so highly
valued. This man may be really William. Sir Richard's Pers may
have been a MacPers. 1588. The son of MacCostello, Edmond, died.
1589. The son of MacCostello, i.e. William Caech, son of Jordan, son
of John Duff, and William, son of Jordan, son of Meiler Ruadh,
were slain on Slieve Murry a week before Christmas. 1590.
Anthony, son of Walter Caech, son of Thomas Duff MacJordan, was
killed.
Sir N. Malbie writes to Walsingham on 10th June 1580 : —
MacCostello, pretending to be allied to the Dillons, as he is,
" hath called to him out of the English pale this gentleman bearer
hereof, Mr. Tibavdt Dyllon and moving him to join with him in
friendship (in the name of his kinsmen) hath with the consent of
all the rest of his surname, given him of free gift a great portion
of his land with a large ancient castle called Castlemore." Dillon
wishes to devote his life and living to the advancement of good
government. Therefore I recommend him.^
This tradition of common descent of Dillons and de Angulos is
found also in O'Clery's " Book of Pedigrees," and may be true,
nothing being known of the de Angulo pedigree beyond Jocelyn.
Dillon belonged to a family having considerable influence in the
Irish government, was a man of ability, and was not hampered by
scruples in the use of his abilities. In a few years he acquired so
much more that the composition for the barony was made with him
alone in 1587.
On the 10th June 1586, John MacCostello, captain and cliief of his
nation, surrendered the manors and lands of the barony with the inten-
tion of their being regranted to him, and renounced the title and name
of MacCostello and all Irish customs incident to it ; which manors and
1 S.P.I.E.,LXXUL 51.
THE BARONY OF COSTELLO. 319
lands, as described below, were regranted to him on the 2nd July
1586, to be held by the service of the twentieth part of a knight's
fee, and one fair great hawk, and 10s. rent as composition for cess
out of every quarter that shall be charged therewith by the com-
missioners.
The manors and lands of Castlemore, Kilcolman, Benfadda, Ballin-
doo, Letter MacPhilip, Twoee Balliallon, alias Slyeve O'Loee (Sliabh
Lugha), Mannyn, Illanmacgillavally, Bealagary, Annagh, Caislean
Bellaveel, Tulrohaun, Bekan, Keryeghter, Keryoghter, and Cowgy,
Ballindingen, and the three towns of the Errick.
Letter MacPhilip is part of Kilbeagh towards Doo Castle or
Ballindoo, and Sliabh Lugha comprises pai-ts of the Bockagh and
MuUaghanoe ranges. Bealagary, or Belanagar, is now called Cashlaun
na Drancaddha near Ballyhaunis. Keryeghter, Keryoghter, and
Cowgy, or Coogue now, are parts of Aghamore and Knock, the
present townlands of Coogue lying to the north-west of Lough
Mannin. Ballindingen is probably the town of the fort called Dhine,
Daingean, in Kilgarriff townland, south of the Coogues.
MacCostello's title being thus secured, he seems to have sold it to
Dillon immediately, the transaction being thus noted in the Annals
of Loch Ce for 1586 : "The Great Castle of MacGoisdelbh, and half
the lordship of the country, were given to Tibbot Dillon by MacGois-
delbh, i.e. John, son of the Gilladuff, son of Hubert. O'Gadhra gave
five towns in his division, and the castle of Daire-mor, to the same
man."
Dillon acquired most of the MacJordan rights also, as we find him
in the seventeenth century owning all the castles of the country
except MacJordan's castle of Rathnaguppaun.
When the composition was made, the survey of 1587 dealt with the
country in five divisions, viz. : Castlemore, 52 qrs. ; Letter MacPhilip,
48 qrs.; Kerryoughter, 52 qrs.; Tulrohaun, 52 qrs.; Ballyhaunis,
48 qrs. For the assessment of composition rent, it was recommended
that four of these quarters be treated as one quarter of 120 acres,
owing to the poverty of the country.
Thus the MacCostellos lost their place among the great land-owning
families. Dillon's transactions must have been generally fair, though
Sir R. Bingham took exception to the ways in which he and others
had got large tracts of land. No complaints appear to have been
made by those concerned. The MacCostellos did not take advantage
of disturbances to turn against him. The change may have benefited
them in various ways. They were not all turned out of their castles
and lands, but held on English tenures, paying a fixed rent, free from
the irregular exactions of chieftains, and from the quarrels and
jealousy due to uncertain successions. Under him as landlord they
320 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
got all the benefits which the composition was intended to confer on
the subjects of the old chieftains.
Dillon similarly acquired the castle of Gallagh on the shore of
Lough Glinn, and MacDermot Gall rights over the greater part of
Artech ; thus two hostile tribes were brought under one head who
was not directly connected with either, and was a means whereby
ancient enmities could be let subside and the new ideas of English
government be brought into effect.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE BAROXY OF CLANMORRIS,
The territory comes late into notice as Tir Nechtain and Tir Enna,
called after IsTechtan and Enna, sons of Brian Orbsen, whose descend-
ants inhabited them — obscure small clans overshadowed by their great
relatives. Even the names of their chiefs are unknown. Except that
the great Abbey of Mayo grew up here, history ignores it.
The northern part, consisting of the parishes of Kilcolman and
Mayo, was called Tir Nechtain, and the southern part Tir Enna, but
the boundaries between them are not known. The latter had the
alternative name of Tir Ninnidh, which in part is carried on by
Doonmacreena, properly Dun maic Ninnidh. An alternative name
for the whole was Crich Fir Thire, which was also in a smaller sense
applied to the parish of Kilvine, as Tir Nechtain was applied to that
of Kilcolman.
Maurice FitzGerald acquired it from a Gerald de Rupe, who probably
got it from a Gerald Prendergast. When Gerald Prendergast, the great
baron of Leinster and Munster, died in 1251, and his estates fell to
John Cogan, son of his daughter by his first wife, a Butler, and to a
daughter of his second wife, who was a daughter of Richard de Burgo,
we find William, Philip, David, Maurice, Elias, and Henry Prender-
gast holding under him in Munster. He had probably established
some of his relations here before he sold to G. de Rvipe, but the seller
may have been one of his many relations.
When the family first appears in Connaught, David is its head,
who had sons, David, Gerald, and John. The family is rarely noticed
in the Annals, and there is no extant genealogy. Less is known of
this than of any other great family of Mayo.
The tribe name was Clann Muiris na mBri, the castle of the Bri, now
called Brees Castle, having been their first stronghold, and in after
times attached to the name of MacMaurice. The surname MacMuii-is,
or MacMorris, seems to have been taken from the Maurice Prender-
gast who came with Strongbow, a most valiant knight and a man of
his word. The tribe name was taken from a Maurice Sugach, son of
Gerald, as it is so given in the Annals of Loch Ce, 1335. MacGarailt,
or MacGarrett, was an alternative name, whence they have been called
FitzGerald s.
321 V
322 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
It passed out of the FitzGerald hands before 1333, when William
Prendergast was the principal lord under the Earl of Ulster, who had
been given the Earl's court in the cantred.
The MacMorrises went against Sir Edmond Albanagh in the four-
teenth century, and succeeded to the last in keeping themselves free
from formal dependence on MacWilliam Bourke. Naturally they
usually took the side against him. Thus in 1420 they intervened
in a quarrel between the two O'Haras on behalf of John O'Hara's
sons, who were Mac William's enemies, and suffered a defeat in which
MacMorris was taken prisoner.
In the sixteenth centuiy we find the parish of Balla within this
lordship.
At the close of the century the MacMoiTises were spread over the
barony, being described as of the Bri, Murneen, Derowel, Ahena,
Barreel, Castlemacgarrett, Castlekeel, Ballyhowly, Gortnedin. Mac-
Walter of Garrydufif, MacAdam of Clogher MacAdam and Cloonconor,
MacSherone and MacUlick of Kinkelly were probably Prendergasts.
FitzSimon, called MacEryddery, had a large estate with the castles of
Doonmacreena and Castlereagh in the south. Fleming of Carrantawy
and Stangfoi'd of Ballynastangford seem to be other descendants of
early colonists. MacCristicks held land, who may be either Gaelic
or English. Mac an Brehon and O'Cullenan were Gaelic land-
holders.
Like other chieftains, MacMorris settled MacDonnells on his lands,
who are described as of Mayo, Kielcolla, Cloonkeen, Tawnagh, Cor-
bally, but they had not much land, and no castle.
In May 1585 Ricard MacMorris of the Brees, chief of his nation,
had a grant, after surrender, of the whole barony of Clanmorris, the
manor or castle of Brees, the castle and lands of Murneen, the lands
of Cranan and Termon, and all the manors, castles, and lands which
he has in the barony or territory of Clanmorris and in the territory
of Tirenene and Tirrenaghtin, as fully as Walter Og MacMorris, late
captain of the nation, held them. To hold for ever by the service of
one knight's fee ; rent <£40 English, and one goshawk. To attend the
deputy or governor of the province on all hostings or journeys with
4 horsemen and 24 footmen armed, with victuals for 40 days ; to supply
annually 40 men with tools and victuals for 4 days, to do such work
in the county as shall be appointed ; to send to all hostings in the
province 16 horses with their drivers, to carry victuals. These rents
and customs to be levied indifferently on the followers of MacMorris,
and in all places in the barony of Clanmorris Avhere the 40 marks
were levied by Sir N. Malbie, Knt., late governor of the province, as
parcel of the composition of said Ricard. This grant not to bar the
rights of any of the queen's subjects. The premises are discharged
THE BARONY OF CLANMORRIS. 323
from the composition made by Malbie, and all other burdens, saving
the queen's prerogative, and the rents herein reserved.^
This grant was modified by the Indenture of Composition.
Having acquired a certain heritable estate, Ricard parted with it to
John Moore of Meelick, following the example of MacCostello, which
MacJordan also followed. But these transactions did not occur
immediately. In these sales they may have been influenced by
consideration of the difficulty of securing the succession to their
own heirs, who would have found themselves in conflict with those
who would have succeeded to the chieftainship estate under the
abolished customs. It would have been hard for one of the clan to
enforce these new rights against his fellows, whereas cash could be
invested elsewhere, and a stranger could enforce his rights unhampered
by family feelings.
1 15 D.K., 4669.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
THE BARONY OF ROSS.
Ix earliest times this barony was in the territory of the Tuath Resent
Umoir and of the Partraige, whom the Conmaicne put out of sight.
It was within the FitzGerald manor of Lough Mask. The barony was
first hiid out to comprise the lands of the Joys, the Walshes, and the
Partry, in which MacThomas and MacTybod Avere chiefs. But it was
in fact confined to the lands held under MacThomas, and those of Ross
and Rallynonagh which were held by Sir Murrough O'Flaherty, who
was considered to hold the entire barony under MacWilliam. The
parish of Partry or Ballyovey was in Carra when the composition of
1585 was made.
MacThomas of Castlekirke was the head of the Joys, a very large
tribe, spread all over the barony, divided into several clans.
The first of the family must have had a grant from Maurice
FitzGerald. The Plea Rolls of 3 Edw. II. show that the widow of
Thomas Joy sued his son Richard for one-third of two vills in
Connaught as dower. This Thomas may be Thomas Roe, son of
Davock, son of Johnkin na Gasraighe, son of Heoigli, i.e. Joy, son of
Sir David, son of the King of Wales, from whom, according to
MacFirbis, all the Joys descended. Up to Johnkin the pedigree
may be correct, and he be the first settler.
The Joys do not come into view again until the latter quarter of
the sixteenth century.
The barony was afterwards transferred to Galway by Sir W. Fitz-
A\ illiam, because tlie composition rent was claimed by the collector
for Galway, being included in the Indenture of lar Connaught.
324
APPENDICES.
I.
THE EAELY LEGENDS OF IRELAND.
L General Remarks.
The legends and historical statements are here examined without submission
to the chronology and genealogies framed by Irjsh historians to connect Noah
with the men of their own time, save as a measure of relative antiquity in
their opinion. Their systems were drawn from ancient legends, tales, and
poems such as appear in abstract in the Dindsenchas, in addition to those
which have survived to this day. These I examine so far as they have been
translated and published. It is not likely that the remainder will differ
widely from the part already published.
My conclusion is that the Fomorach, Firbolg, and Tuatha De Danann
were clans of the Gael who fought with each other about the beginning of
the Christian era, much as their descendants did in historical times, and that
the traditions do not go much farther back except in a very shadowy way.
In dealing with historical legends I keep two points in mind : that the
tribal relations of tribes dwelling near each other are fairly correctly repre-
sented by their pedigrees, though the early parts of those pedigrees may be
obviously false, and that tribes rose over and sank beneath each other as they
rose and sank in historical times. Thus the Gregry, Kerry, Conmaicne of
Mayo and Galway, and the Corcamoe are closely related in origin, though the
pedigrees connecting them with the Irian kings of Ulster cannot be trusted :
they stand to the Eremonians as a body in a mucli less intimate relationshiji
than they do to each other. So the Sodhans and Corcamoe are grouped as
of Irian descent in respect of the Hy Many, but as between themselves the
Corcamoe are more closely related to the Conmaicne than to the Sodhans.
As to tribes far distant from each other, the pedigrees deserve little credit.
The Calry of Connaught and the Corcalee of Munster, the Kerry of Con-
naught and the Kerry of Munster, cannot be accepted as close relations in the
absence of additional evidence.
Taking the historical period from the beginning of the fifth century to
the Anglo-Norman Conquest, I find no great displacement of any tribe by a
conqvieror. Tribes have been made to acknowledge supremacy, but liave not
been suddenly cleared off a large tract of country. The process was gradual
encroachment on the weaker tribes, who remained within narrower limits or
326
APPENDICES.
in an inferior condition, and by degrees died out or were lost in other names.
Thus the descendants of Muvedach Mulleathan took new clan names and
acquired hereditary estates in Moy Ai and overilowed upon their neighbours,
the Kerry, the Delbna of Sid Nenta, the Corcamoe, upon part of Conmaicne,
and even into Cruffon, the kingdom of O'Mulrony, a king of the Hy Many
race. Later Maelruanaid, son of Tadg of the White Horse, by a partition
with O'Conor got the great kingdom of Moylurg, which was made up at the
THE
ATTACOTTIC TRIBES
ACCORDING TO
MACFIRBIS.
expense of the Kerry of Artech, of the former Cali-y landowners of Moylurg,
and of the Hy Ailella. And this new tri):)e had a great offshoot in the j\Iac-
Donoghs. Thus the Hy Fiachrach spread from Carra and Tirawley over Tire-
ragh, obliterating the Calry except in Coolcarney. A similar process of
settlement of tribes descended from Torlo<.'h Mor was in operation when
Richard de Burgo was put in possession of Connauglit. The race of Brian
Luignech kept their settlement in Carbury by accepting the FitzGerald
supremacy, and eventually became powerful. But for that conquest another
hundred years would have shown O'Conor as the chief of a Sil Torley, to
APPENDICES. 327
whom the Sil Murray would have occupied the position which the Kerry,
Coiimaicne, &c., formerly occupied towards them.
Disappearance of a powerful tribe and appearance of another in its place,
without legends of great conquests which seem true, lead to suspicion that
the new tribe is a transformation, or a clan of the old which has attained
supremacy within the tribe. The Hy Many, the Gregry, and the Conmaicne
Eein illustrate this.
The case of the Hy Many is very clear, and, like that of the Gregry, is
mentioned farther on. The case of the Conmaicne Rein is nearly as clear as
that of the Hy Many. The Book of Fenagh is not authority for history,
but is very good authority for the legends of the Conmaicne Rein regarding
their origin. It tells us that St. Caillin found the Conmaicne of Dunmore
quarrelling, and induced them to keep the peace and let him get them more
land. He went to Moy Rein, where he converted Aedh Dubh son of Fergua,
and procured from him land for the Conmaicne. Aedh Dubli was too black
for his own taste, and was by St. Caillin's intercession given the shape of
St. Rioc, and became Aedh Find in future.-^ He iispired to the championshiiJ
of the Glasry, a tribe descended from Niall of Nine Hostages, dwelling in the
country of Cairbre, the Barony of Granard. The Attacottic List mentions
Glasry as an extinct Milesian tribe and Glasry as an Attacottic tribe.* Their
own tradition shows that there were no Conmaicne in Moy Rein until the
sixth century.
These facts point to adoption l)y these Conmaicne of a pedigree connecting
them with tbose of Dunmore, probably by identification of one of their
ancestors with one of the same name in the Dunmore family pedigree.
The Coir Anmann gives Cu and Lugaid Conmac as alternative names of
Conmac, son of Fergus.' In the Book of Fenagh, Conmac and Lugaid
Conmac are two men separated by several generations. The Irish traditions
show that Hy Conmaic, i.e. Conmaicne, existed before Fergus's time.
Moreover, Aedh Dubh of the Glasry seems to have been identified with the
Aedh Find of Brefne, and the ancient Milesian Glasry to have been treated
as Attacots and again as Milesians.
The Attacottic List quoted above is a list of Attacottic tribes taken from
the Book of Glendalough with D. MacFirbis's notes thereon, which deserves
attention. It seems to be the result of investigation to ascertain what free
tribes existed before the Attacottic Revolution, and what Attacottic tribes
took their places. The Attacots are said to have distributed themselves over
Erin after the extinction of her free men, namely, forty-six tribes who were
replaced by forty-seven servile tribes.
I understand that the compiler found that the forty-six tribes came by
their relationships into the genealogies of the descendants of Breogan. They
became extinct by the operation of the Revolution. Consequently the tribes
found in existence in and immediately after the Attacottic period were not
recognised as of Milesian descent, because, according to the theory of ex-
tinction, the tribes then existing could not be free tribes,
1 " Book of Fenagh," pp. 83, 119, 179-191.
2 Introduction to O'Curry's " Lectures on the Manners and Customs of the
Ancient Irish," p. xxvii.
3 " Irische Texte," 3rd series, p. 274.
328
APPENDICES.
I find among the extinct free tribes Benntraighe, Cathraiglie, Condraighe
Glasraighe, Bibraiglie, and servile tribes of the same name. The Cathraighe
of the Domnonian race have certainly been transformed into the Milesian
Hy j\Iany.
The free Gabhraighe are not represented among the Attacottic tribes, but
in Queen .Meav's time there was a Domnonian tribe called Gabhraighe of the
Suck, which does not appear again in later legends. The free Calraighe are
[{\ CALRAIQE
<p J2<S ' ^"' CIARRAICE ' -^'^JOELBN^ OeiBNA'. c. 5
f' CO ; \ i. - - ' tTtANMOY more; ^'if O
{ r './>---' ; CORCA'DELBNAl ? ^ , <<, /Vc <
DROHI»KIN
V <
" GaiCenga
DISTRIBUTION
or THE
LUIGNE ,DELBNA
GRCAAD 500
EOGANACT
^v
<i
^1
not represented among the Attacots, but the Calraighe of history ajipear at
an early date, with an evidently factitious pedigree connecting them with
Leinster and Munster tribes.
A tract on Cairpre Cinnchait and the Athach Tuatha ^ gives a different
distribution of the Attacots and names only thirty-two tribes, under other
names in some cases. The Clann Umoir tribes are wholly omitted by that
name. The Tuath Kois is placed in Tirawley and Tireragh. The Life of
St. Mochua of Balla ^ quotes an old poem which calls the clans of Fiachra
by the name Clanns of Ross, who was a grandson of Ailill Molt, or a son of
^ Revue Celtiquc, xx. p. 335.
2 Book of Lismore iu " Anecdota Oxoniensia."
APPENDICES. 329
Ere Culbuide. Those clans in tlie sixth century had a supremacy over the
Hy Fiachrach. Furtlier, it seems to me that what are called in the former
tract extinct free tribes are called Attacots in this.
2. The Fomorach, Tuatha De Danann, and Cruithne.
The earliest notices of the Fomorians show them to have been chiefly in
the north of Ireland. Partholan defeats them in the north. Nemed defeats
them in Ulster and in Connaught, where lie kills two of their kings, Gann
and Sengann, names which recur as those of kings of the Fir Domnann. The
Fomorians get the better of the Nemedians, have their chief fortress on Tory
Island, and receive their tributes near the Erne. From Partholan and
Nemed descen<i the Domnonians and the Danonians. Irial Faidh defeats
them and kills their king in Teanmagh ; and in Teffa defeats and kills Stirn,
son of Dubh, son of Fomor. Eochy Mean, Fomorian, king of the northern
half of Ireland, kills Sobhairce, King of Ireland. Oengus Olniucada kills
Smiorgall, king of the Fomorach, at Ardagli. Sirna kills their king Ceasarn
in Breg. Cical, descendant of Uadmoir, a Fomorian, is said to have been in
Ireland before Partholan, with whom he fought a battle at Magh Itha in Ulster.^
The Tale of the Second Battle of Moytura makes them a northern race and
associates them with the Danonians by marriage.^ The descents given there
and those given by Keating differ, but make the connection equally close.
Two men were named Bres, son of Elathan, who seem to be sometimes con-
fused. The Tale of the First Battle tells us that Bres, son of Elathan, son of
Delbaeth, was killed in the battle, and that Bres, son of Elathan, son of Neid,
was elected king of the Danonians after the battle, reigned seven years, and
died on Sliabh Gamh, whereupon Nuadat resumed the sovereignty.^ This
Bres seems to be a Fomorian king who established a supremacy after the first
battle, lost it, and was killed in the second battle. He is first cousin of Balor,
Emer, wife of Cuchullin, is one of " the daughters of Tethra's nephew, i.e.
Forgall, the king of the Fomori." *
When Cuchullin reaches the Dun of Ruad, King of the Isles, Conall Cernach
and Laegaire have arrived just before him to levy tribute, because the Isles
of the Foreigners were then under tribute to Ulster. He rescues Ruad's
daughter, who had been assigned as tribute to the Fomori, by killing three
Fomori who came for her.^ Conall Cearnach and Laegaire Buadach were
there at that time to levy tribute for Ulster. There seems to be no reason
why Conall and Laegaire should be there levying tribute and taking no notice
of the payment of tribute to the Fomori. It is like an edition of the story
when the Fomori were no longer recognised as Ulstermen. In the Courtship
of Ferb, Conor Mac Nessa brings a body of Fomorach against Gerg.
A genealogical table constructed from Keating's History and the Tale of
the Second Battle shows how the Tribes of De Danu break up into Delbhna,
Clann Cein or Cianachta, and Luighne. The Danu from whom the race takes
its name is supposed to have been a woman far down in the line. Unless
there was an earlier Danu, this clan is improperly named.
1 Keating, 116, 124, 125, 219, 225; A.Cl. 31, 36 ; F.M., A.M., 3790.
^ Revue Celtique, xii. * O'Donovan's Translation, O.S.L.M.
* " Cuchullin Saga," p. 64. * Ibid., p. 81.
330 APPENDICES.
De Domnu and De Danii may be gods, but it is most unlikely that they
are, and that in these two instances alone Irish tribes are called after a god
and not after an ancestor. Tlie Domnu from whom the Per Domnann took
their name does not ajipear in legend unless Indech Mac De Domnann was
his son. Mac De Domnann is more likely to be a surname.
The name Fomor in the Irian genealogy suiJi^lie.s an origin for Fomorach,
as Eogan did for Eoganach in the same country. There may have been many
Fomors in the clan.
Stirn, son of Dubh, son of Fomor, can hardly be other than the brother of
Sorge McDuff, killed by Irial Faidh at the same place.^ Sorge looks like an
English form of Sithrige. Possibly the authority for the Clonmacnoise
entry called him only son of Dubh, and the annalist supplies the name.
Taking him for the Fomor of the Irian genealogy, the entries are a good
illustration of expansion and dislocation of legends in the formation of history
of proper duration.
From the death of Irial Faidh to the death of Argetmar was 701 years
according to Keating, 932 years according to the Four Masters. Stirn or
Sithrige is thus taken 800 or 1000 years before his proper time.
The Fomorach, being Irian, are the same race as the Cruithne of Ulster and
Connaught. The Cruithne lielped the Domnonian Crindithann Sciathbhel,
the King of Leinster, to subdue the British tribe called Tiiath Fidga. They
became powerful and were driven away by Eremon, except six families who
were let stay in Breg, to whom are attributed necromancy spells and omens,
as to the Tuatha De Danann.^ This attribution has been ground of attribu-
tion to the Tuatha De Danann of a higher civilisation, or of greater skill in
arts and higher knowledge than the Firbolgs and Milesians j^ossessed. It may
point equally to inferiority. The Badagas of the Nilgiris regard the Kurum-
bars with great awe because they attribute to the Kurumbars extraordinary
powers of necromancy. The Badagas are civilised Canarese people who came
from Mysore and occupied a great part of the hills. The Kurumbars are
a degraded jungle tribe, remnant, it is supposed, of the very early domi-
nant race.
The expelled Cruithne went to Scotland and founded the Pictish kingdom.
The " Irish Xenniiis " describes the Cruithne who came to Leinster as " the race
of Geleoin the son of Ercol.^ When driven out they were given as wives the
widows of the sons of Miled, who had been drowned with Donn.
The wife of Crimhthann Xia Nair was Narthuatlichaecli, daughter of Lotan,
of the Pict-people (do Chruithentuaith, "Silva Gadelica"), Narthuathchaech,
out of the Sidhes or of the Pict-folk (a Sidaib no do Chruithentuaith).*
The Tuatha De Danann are very closely associated with the Cruithne of
Leinster. Eremon drives them out like the Cruithne, and the Eremonians
intermarry with them. It is evidently the same legend and the same people.
Among the Foniorian allies of Bres are Goll and Irgoll. Eos Guill and
Ross loi'guill adjoin in Donegal.
The Cruithne of Leinster are called Sil nGeleoin and Clanna Geleoin and
Fir Geleoin.^ The Tuath Gaileoin appear in the Attacottic List in Leinster.
1 A CI., p. 31. 2 <. Irish Nennius," pp. 123-125.
- Ibid., pp. 121, 131. * R.S.A.I., 1893, p. 378.
'" " Irish Nennius," pp. 120, 130.
APPENDICES. 331
They survived to later days, and left their name to Morgallion in Meath.
Another branch has left its name to Gallen in Mayo. In each case Luighne
accompany Gailenga, and we find Lune beside JMorgallion and Leyny beside
Gallen. The Luighne of Meath once occupied the greater part of ]\Ieath and
parts of Westmeath and Co. Dublin.
The Liiighne of Tara were subjects of Cairbre Nia Fer.' Tigernach men-
tions that they killed Cahir Mor. Cormac Mac Art is restored by Tadhg,
son of Cian, ancestor of the Cianachta ; the sons of Uirgriu, of the Luighne
of Tara, kill Finn Mac Cumal.^ This seems to represent the rise of the
power of the Cianachta, who are mentioned at close of the sixth century by
Tigernach.
According to the Attacottic List, a tribe called Crecraige were in the country
of Corann, which then extended east to Moytura, and covered the baronies of
Corran, Leyny, Gallen, Coolavin, and part of Costello. In St. Patrick's time
they seem to have lost Tirerrill and a small part of Corran, then held by Hy
Ailella, a cognate tribe oi- clan. They ajDpear in his life at the Strand of
Ballysadare and at Killara<,'ht near Lough Gara. Their name looks like a
derivative of Ciric, son of Cruithne, the mythical ancestor of the Cruithne.
South of them the Tuath Cruithnech occupied the county of Roscommon
south of Lough Gara to Briole beyond Athleague, and the part of Mayo which
lies east of the barony of Carra ; they covered the countries of the Ciarraige
and of the Delbna of Sid Nenta. In the Dindsenchas of Carnfree the Cruithne
of Croghan and the Tuatha Taiden and the Firdomnann accompany Conall of
Croghan. According to D. MacFirbis, the Cruithne of Croghan and the Bolg-
tuath of Badgna are descendants of Genann, that is, are Domnonians. The
Irish historians identified the Cruithne of Ulster with the Irians of Ulster.
As they allowed the Iriaiis to be of the clan of Miled, the Cruithne are the
Gael of Ireland, or have been adopted by the Gael.
The tract on the Corcalaidhe mentions Seal Balbh as either a man of the
Olnegmacht or a king of Cruithentuaith and Manann.^ The wife of Tuatlial
Techtmar is a daughter of Seal Balbh, king of the Fomorach or of Finland.
These alternatives suggest that the writers who worked out this history were
not aware that the Fomorach were only a clan of the great Cruithne race.
The old names and distinctions were not fully understood. It seems to mark
the loss of the knowledge of who the ancient Fomorach were, and the begin-
ning of identification with northern sea-pirates, based on a derivation of
Fomorach from the word Muir.
Seal Balbh seems to have been a sort of title. If not, it is difficult to under-
stand how the Book of Lecan makes Lugh a son of Cian or of Seal Balbh.
3. The Fir Domnaxn and the Fir Bolg.
The term Firbolg covers three divisions, Firdomnann, Firgaileoin, and
Firljolg. The former two are distinct tribes of great importance. Though
the last has given its name to the whole body, it appears only as the Bolgtuath
1 "Battle of Rosnaree," Todd Lecture Series, vol. iv.
'■^ Reiue Cdtiqne, vol. xvii. pp. 7, 16, 21.
"* Celtic Societt/s Miscell., p. 25.
332 APPENDICES.
of Badgna, and even there the meaning seems to be general, as it is said to
descend from Domnonian chieftains. The Annals mention a Mofeniis or
Jlofebis of tlie Firbcilgs, and his sons Lugh Roth and Mogh Ruith. The
names of Mofemis and his son are in the genealogy of the race of Eber.
The Firgaik'oin appear as Cruithne of Breg, and as such are of the same
race as the Tuatlia Dc Danann, and in the first l)attle of Moytura as allies of
Eochy Mac Ere, King of Connaught and of Ireland, under Slainge's sons, and
in later legend, in the battle of Rosnaree as the subjects of the King of
Leinster : and still later as the Firbolg inhabitants of the territory in Con-
naught called Gailenga and Luighne from its later traditional conquerors.
The tradition of the foundation of the Fair of Carman by a Danonian Bres
further connects Leinster with Danonians and Firgaileoin.
It is important to note that at the period suj^posed to be that of the arrival
of the Firdonmann they have already under them a considerable body of the
tribe from which the Tuatlia De Danann sprang. The conquest of the Tuath
Fidga of Leinster may explain the pi'esence of the Firbolg among the Dom-
nonian forces, if the Firbolg are of the Britisli race called Belga?, as some have
thought. Crimhthan Sciathbhel thus had under him the Belgic Tuath Fidga
in the south and the Cruithnech Firgaileoin in the north of Leinster. This
tribe appears in the Attacottic List as a division of the Gaileoin north of
Gabar — that is, of Leinster excluding Ossory, called south of Gabar. I under-
stand it to mean that the three tribes therein mentioned were tributary to
that branch of the Gaileoin. If the true meaning is that the Tuath Fidga
and the others were sections of the Firgaileoin, it follows that the Firgaileoin
are to be recognised as British. But this is certainly not the view of tribal
relations taken by the ancient Irish historians.
The Firbolg, in the restricted application of the term to a section of the
adherents of the Domnonian kings, may have been a Belgic race from Britain,
or a body of refugees forming a body of soldiers like the Clan Donnell Gallo-
glass in later times, from which the name has been transferred to the whole
body. Except by such transfer the Gaelic clans coiild not have come to be
called Belgic. Bolg may not be connected with Belgse, or the same name
may have been used by a Gaelic clan. It certainly covers the whole body of
Domnonians and Gailians in the opinion of the Irish historians.
The tradition of the Firbolg invasion and the first battle of Moytura sho\\'s
the Domnonian kings in supremacy at Tara, whence they are driven by the
Danonians. Yet they had previously got the better of the Firgaileoin, of
whom the Danonians were a branch, as appears from the presence of the
Firgaileoin in King Eochy's army. That the kings of the Firbolg were Dom-
nonians is certain from the fact that the Domnonian kings of Connaught were
recognised as descendants of the scms of Dela.
Though the use of broad heavy spears is the characteristic of the Firbolg
army, and the use of thin pointed spears is that of the Danonian army,
another legend shows that such spears were introduced in the time of Einnal,
Eochy Mac Erc's grandfather.^ Tacitus remarks that the army of Galgacus
used slashing swords without points. That army must have been largely
composed of Donmonians of the north and other Cruithne of Scotland. The
remark suggests that the Britons of England used pointed swords which were
^ " Irische Texte," 3rd Series, Coir Anmann, p. 40L
APPENDICES. 333
not used by the northern tril)es. Likewise, at the battle of Moytura, about
a hundred years earlier according to my computation, pointed spears were
not yet in general use in Ireland.
Ptolemy places Dumnonii in Cornwall and Devonshire next to Belgee, and
in Scotland north and south of the Forth. As the Irish Domnall was pro-
nounced Duvnall in the twelfth century, Devon shows a similar change from
the original of Doninonii, and it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the
Firdomnann are the same race as the Dumnonii of Great Britain. If the
Firdomnann came from Britain with a body of Belgte after the establishment
of Belgic tribes in South Britain, the term Firbolg might cover them in the
view of the Irish.
In the second battle of Moytura, Indech MacDomnann or Mac De Dom-
nann is one of the Fomorian kings who oppressed the Danonians. His name
looks Domnonian, but an Ulster king's father may have been named Domnu,
and some Domnonians were on the Fomorian side. The Clan Umoir was
said to be among them after the first battle. The names More, son of Dela,
and Gann and Sengann, kings of the Fomorians, show that there was no wide
difference between Fomorians and Domnonians, if indeed those were truly
Fomorians and not Don^nonians wrongly classed like Cical. The statement
that Cical landed in Irrusdomnann tends to identify him with the Clan
Umoir, who occupied the whole western coast of that kingdom. O'Flaherty
includes Clan Umoir among the Domnonians. But the early annalists, or
early compilers of systematic history, finding Cical mentioned in legends
which according to their chronology related to events earlier than the arrival
of the Firbolg, classified him and his people as Fomorach. As the Clan
Umoir do not appear again in the legends until the time of Queen Meav, they
were treated as absent among the Fomorach.
The tradition that Queen Meav's Clan Umoir were evicted tenants of her
brother-in-law has perhaps some foundation. The great extent of country
held by the clan inust have given it a high position. Some therefore ai'e
likely to have acquired land in Breg when the Domnonians were in supremacy
there. Cairbre Nia Fer is said to have surrendered three cantreds to Conor
Mac Nessa when he married Conor's daugliter. This is like a peace after a
war in which Conor won ; or as if, after the murder of Conaire I., Cairbre
and Conor divided Breg. They would naturally turn out Clan Umoir lords.
Tigernach seems to recognise some such result in his entry after the accession
of Conor Mac Nessa. " Thereafter Ireland was parted into five, after the
slaughter of Conaire the Great, son of Etarscel, in the Hostel of Da Derga,
among Conchobar, son of Nessa, and Cairbre Nia Fer, and Tigernach Tet-
bannach, and Dedad, son of Sen, and Ailill, son of Maga."
The clan is attacked by a coalition of Conall Cernach and Cuchullin,
Ulstermen, Curoi Mac Daire, a Munsterman, or, according to Professor Rhys,
a Leinsterman,^ cet Mac Magach, one of the Gamanry, when they are in
Connaught after their quarrel with Cairbre. Can this be the turning of tlie
race of Fiac out of Tara, those who left their name to the " Ferta Fer Feic,"
the legend of settlement on land given by Meav being the historians' way of
accoi;nting for their appearance afterwards in possession of great territories?
It is not unlikely that Curoi MacDaire is confused with Curaidh, father of
1 U.S.A. I., 1891, p. 655.
334 APPENDICES.
Tinni, King of Connaught. Dare and Degad are also Olnegniacht names.
Ferdiad was a grandson of Daru of the Clan Dega.
The forms Mac De Dumnann used indifferently with Mac Domnann, and
Tiiath Domnann used as equivalent to Fir Domnann in the Attacottic List,
show that the Fir Domnann might be called Tuatha De Domnann.
Though meaning literally " Tribes f)f Goddess Danu," I think that the term
Tuatha De Danann meant only "Tribes of De Danu." De occurs as Deo in
names of Pictish kings, Deo Ardivois, Deo Ord, Deo Cillimon.^ It seems to
be used much as the Sanskrit Deva, a god, is used in combination with Hindu
names as a title. Such a use is expressly stated in the Tain Bo Cuailgne.^
" ' The full blessing of both dee and andee be upon thee ! ' he said. Now
'the people of power' at that time they rated as dee, 'gods,' and ' the people
of ploughing' iis andee, 'non-gods.'" This is practically the use in Orissa
now, among the Urva lords. As far as so small an indication justifies any
argument, the use of De with Domnann connects the name in form with the
Cruithne of Scotland.
Domnu appears often in Britain in men's names, Duiiinoveros, Dumno-
coveros, Cogidumnos, Togodumnos. These seem to be Latin equivalents of
Domnubaru, Domnucubaru, Cugidomnu, Tugudomnu in Irish spelling.
They occur in connection with Belgic tribes, and the word Domnu is not
inflected. " Dumnonii " seems to represent such a form as Tuath or Fir
Domnonn.
As the Irish writers included the certainly Cruithne race of Ir among the
Clanna Breogaiu, no weight attaches to their refusal of the name of Gael to
the Domnonians. More weight is due to the name of Firbolg, but the term
covers also the Firgaileoin, who were Cruithne. The legends on the whole do
not justify a distinction between the Domnonians and the other great triljes.
They seem to have been all Gaelic.
The position of the Domnonians in Leinster, Tara, and Connaught, cutting
the tribes of Ulster and Munster in two, overlying the Firgaileoin in Leinster
and Breg, and their position in legend detached from the other tribes, mark
some considerable difference, which is most likely due to their being the last
great body of colonists in Ireland, avIio came from Britain after the first
Gaelic settlers had been long established, and were an intrusive body,
associated at least in later times with other foreign bodies who never became
powerful, and consequently were absorbed and lost their identity. A body
of Gaelic Domnonians leaving Britain under pressure of Belgic invasion
would meet the conditions. So would a branch of the first colonists rein-
forced from Britain. The legends indicate some such expansion. In
spreading over Leinster, Breg, and Connaught they subdue Fomorach clans
with the help of foreign soldiers. Then the Irian clans get the upper hand
at times in Breg and north-central Ireland, perhaps owing to quieter times
in Britain. A period of confused warfare follows, in which a large part is
played by tribes under the name of Aithechtuatha, who left Britain in con-
sequence of the Roman conquest. Tuathal Techtmar emerges as king of a
great kingdom of Meath formed largely of the territory of Danonian clans.
His descendants, if he and they are not the Domnonian kings of Connaught,
get rid of or adopt those kings and conquer Ulster.
1 " Irish Nennius," p. 159. ^ " CuchuUin Saga," p. 168.
APPENDICES. 335
4. Identification of Tuatha De Daxann with Luighxe,
Delbhna, and Cianacht.
Tlie table of Danonian kings is open to objection only as to length of some
reigns, not as to relationship and succession. Three generations, eighty to
one hundred years, comprises their period. But for identification of some
with gods and all with fairies, they would probably have gained a certain
recognition. Mr. Alfred Nutt has cleared the way for recognition of their
reality by his exposition of early Celtic religious views iti the "Voyage of
Bran." He shows that the doctrine of rebirth allowed the Irish to believe
at the same time —
(a) That certain persons were gods.
(b) That they were men.
The belief that certain Danonians were rebirths of gods accounts for growth
of myth about the clan. The chief men and gods had two names, as Lugli or
the Samildana, Eochaidh Ollathair or the Daghda, Oengus or Macind Oc,
Orbsen or Manannan. When the Danonians were no longer recognised as
ancestors of existing families, it was an easy step to make them all gods and
fairies.
The Luighne of Connaught are also known as Clann Cein, tribal names
applicable to the descendants of Cian, son of Diancecht, and of Lugh. Their
alternative name Gailenga associates them with the Firgaileoin, who included
the Danonians. C4ailenga in a narrower sense was applied to the family of
O'Gara, kings of Sliabh Lugha, as Luighne was applied to the O'Hara branch
of the Clann Cein. The place-names of their territory are largely attributed
to tlie Danonians, as Magh Corann, Loch Ce, Sliabh Lugha, Magh Luirg of
the Daghda, Magh Ai, &c., which, though not all in it, are in the territory the
Danonians should have occupied during their supremacy in Connaught.
According to their recent tradition, the Luighne of Meath and Connaught
acquired their territories under Cormac Mac Art in the middle of the third
century. But they were in Meath as Cairbre Nia Fer's subjects some two
hundred years before. According to Tigernach and Cahir Mor's will, they
killed Cahir Mor and Finn MacCumal in the second and third centuries.
O'Flaherty's account of Cormac Mac Art and his relations with the ancestors
of the Luighne and Gailenga are confused. The important point is that
Cormac Mac Art was fostered by Lugni Firtri at Keshcorran, and took refuge
with him when driven from Tara by Fergus. Lughni was there before
Cormac's time.^
The Delbhna claimed descent from a Lughaid called Delbh Aodh, son of
the Cas from whom came the Dalcais. As Cas's father, Conall Echluath,
was King oi Munster a.d. 366, the occupation of Meath and Connaught by
the Delbhna cannot have begun before the close of the fourth century. An
intrusive Munster family could not have established itself so extensively in
Meath and in Connaught at so late a period without leaving marks in history.
Hisioiy does not supj^ort the tradition. The tale abstracted by O'Curry^
could not have arisen over a tribe established so close to the historic period.
It is evidently invented to tack existing families to one of the great royal
1 "Ogygia," p. 334. * " Manners and Customs," ii. p. 320.
336 APPENDICES.
families. They could not annex themselves to the Eremonian families under
whom they lived. These two descents of Luighne and Delbhna from Cian
and Delbh Aodh pluce them in the race of Ailill Olum in tlie same relative
positions as the descendants of Lngli and a Delbaeth in the Danonian race.
Territorially, Tuatlia De Danann Luighne and Delbhna are closely con-
nected. Luighne Gailenga Firgaileoin occupy the same country in ^leath
and in Connaught. As Luighne and Delblma are side by side in Meath,
so in Connaught Luighne lie nortli and Delbhna south of Magh Ai. Luighne
and Cianacht, who claimed descent from the same Cian, son of Tadhg,
occupied nearly all the county of Meath except Tara and the country of
the Delbhna, and part of the county of Dublin ; they had Breg except Tara,
that is, from the Liffey to Dromiskin, which, according to the Tripartite
Life,^ was in the country of the Delbhna. Unless Delbhna and Cianacht
are tribal names of the same race, it follows that one replaced the other.
The Cianacht were there in historical times. According to their own
tradition, the Delbhna could not have got there before the Cianacht. I see
no reason to doubt the entry. It follows that Cianacht and Delbhna are the
same, or that an older race of Delbhna occupied the country, which is not
likely.
As the Cianacht are over the Delbhna about Dromiskin, so the Delljhna
are over the Luighne in Delbhna Mor and Beg, according to the position of
the Luighne in the Attacottic List. Ancient and modern Luighne, Gailenga,
Cianacht, Delbhna, and Firgaileoin are inextricably mixed.
The ascertained possessions of the Delbhna show that they Avere once
a very great race. Their position in the kingdom of Meath agrees with the
tradition that the Milesians ousted them from supremacy at Tara, and is
parallel with that of the Conmaicne and their relatives the Kerry and others
in respect of the Hy Briuin of Ai.
5. The Gregraige and the Calraige.
These tribes appeared between the period of Queen Meav and the fifth
century. The Gregry of St. Patrick's time seem to occupy what they held
according to the Attacottic List, that is, the historical kingdom of the Luighne
and Tirerrill as far east as Moytura and Sliabh Da En, excepting Tirerrill
and a small part of Corran. Hereafter the Annals mention kings of Gailenga
and of Corcofirtri and of Luighne in that country, which at last is known as
Luighne and Gailenga, and the Gregry are confined to the small tract called
now the barony of Coolavin. , As 1 understand these legends and history,
Corcofirtri and Luighne are but sections of the Gaileoin who were under the
supremacy of the Gregry at first, but who rose over them. I take the
Gregry to have been the dominant clan in St. Patrick's time, because they
are mentioned about Lough Gara and at the Strand of Bally sadare, and
because the other tribes do not appear until later. In the Book of Rights
they pay a tribute equal to that of the Kerry, about half that of the Luighne.
This seems to mark a stage in their declension.
They claimed descent from Oengus Fionn, son of Fergus Mac Roig, but
^ S.T.L., i. p. 77.
APPENDICES. 337
the claim does not bear close investigation. They do not appear in the usual
lists of his descendants, the Conniaicne and others not acknowledging the
claim. I am inclined to think that their Oengus Fionn may be the king of
Connaught of the Fircraibe race, who would suit in point of time fairly well,
if they w-ere of that race at all, which I doubt.
They and the Calry are so far alike that the Attacottic List acknowledges
an extinct free race of Calry. The names of the tribal ancestors Crec and
Cal seem Cruithne in character, and the Calry almost surround the Gregry
territory, except where the Kerry adjoin. These facts dispose me to look
upon Gregry and Calry as of earlier origin than Kerry and Conmaicne, in
accordance with the family legend of the Calry descent from Ith.
The Calry must have been a very powerful race at one time, judging from
the great extent of territory occupied by them. There were Calry called
of Moy hEleog in the parish of Crossmolina. In St. Patrick's time Calry of
Coolcarney and of Innse Nisc occupied the eastern bank of the Moy in
Tireragh.i The Calry of Murrisk had the rest of Tireragh eastwards. Under
the names of Calry of Dartry, of Three Plains,^ and of Lough Gill, they held
in St. Patrick's time all North Leitrim, and in Sligo the barony of Carbury
except the peninsula of Coolerra. The Calry held out in Moylurg against the
Hy Briuin for many generations. Calry were in Corran, and I suspect that
when St. Patrick worked near Kesh that country was in possession of Calry
under Hy Ailella, as the Calry all received him well except those of Tireragh.
Important families of Calry remained till later times at Bri Leitli, near
Ardagh, in the Co. Longford, with a branch in the barony of Brawney in
Westmeath. After making allowance for petty families having attached
themselves to a tribe of greater reputation, it is evident that they once were
a great ruling family.
6. Queen Medb and the Ailills.
Queen Meave of the legends may be taken to stand to the real Queen
Cleave as Grace O'Malley of the nineteenth century legends and novels stands
to the Grainne ni Maille of the sixteenth century.
Grace has become the chieftainess of the mighty Clan Malley, wielding
imperial sway over the western seaboard, and visiting Queen Elizabeth as a
sister sovereign. Her history and character are given in an article in the
Journal of the Galway Arch, and Hist. Society, vol. iv. p. 65.
Meave has been given several husbands, of whom the chief was Ailill Mor.
It is not quite clear who he was, but he may be identified as a king of the
Tuatha Taiden kingdom.
The Ailills were numerous, and have l.ieen much mixed. Ailill Mac Mata
was brother of Cairbi-e Nia Fer and Finn File, sons of Rossa Ruadh, King of
Leinster. Ailill Mac Magach, King of the Gamanry, was his uncle, Mata
being a daughter of that Magit of IMurrisk. These two Ailills are distinguished
in the Tale of the Cherishing of Conall Cernach and in other tracts.-' But
the Ailill Mac Magach killed by Conall Cernach is not the Ailill Find killed
by Fergus Mac Roigh, a full brother of Cet Mac Magach. Magu may have had
1 S.T.L., p. 251. 2 i,,i(j., 145, 328.
* Zcitschrift fur Celtische Philologie, vol. i. p. lOG.
Y
338
APPHNDICES.
more than one son called Ailill. There may have been several women named
Magu. Names are much confused in these legends.
According to O'FIaherty and Keating, Meave's first husband was Tinni, son
of Conra or Curaidh. Conra or Conry or Curaidh I take to be the same name
with the Cu inflected or uninflected. After his death she married Ailill Mor,
and after his death lived with Ailill Find the Domnoniau, and with Fergus.
Tinni was King of the Tuatha Taiden, ami became King of Connaught by
killing Eocliy Allat, King of the Gamanry. Meave's Ailill is the person
recognised ms King of Connaught after Tinni, and their son Maine is set up
as King of Connaught after Ailill by the Tuatha Taiden and their allies.^
MacFirbis gives the names Tinni and Ailill, sons of Conra Cais, son of Cuir-
rech, King of the Firbolgs. MacFirbis is quoted as stating that Ailill Mac
Conraidh was of Kilmore Diutreb, which is the Kilmore in the barony of
Ballintubber North in the Co. Roscommon,- and this Ailill is identified as a
brother of Tinni, Meave's husband. The transactions are all intelligible if her
husband was King of the Tuatha Taiden, but not if he was a brother of the
King of Leinster imported to marry a Connaught king's widow. Such a
King of Connaught is out of harmony with all Irish history.
1 O'FIaherty, " Ogygia," pp. 267, 269, 277.
2 R.S.A.I., vol. xii. p. 354.
APPENDICES. 339
The tract on Cairpre Cindcliait^ and the Athach Tuatha describes
Cairpre as " mac Dubtaig mic Tliothreachta niic Lnghair mic Oilella mic
Maghach mic Gaill." This makes MaL,'U to be a man. But it shows that the
Attacots were the royal tribes of Connaught, and that the early traditions and
the early genealogists did not distinguish much between Milesians and
Athachtuatha and mixed one Ailill readily with another. If this is correct,
Cairbre Mac Main and Cairbre Cinnchait cannot be the same person. But
Cairbres may be confused as well as Ailills.
7. The Olnegmacht.
Keating and O'Flaherty agree in the division of Connaught into three
great kingdoms which did not extend east of the Shannon.
I. From Limerick to the Palace of Fidach, or Fidach, under the Fir Craibe
or Fir na Crailje.
II. From the Palace of Fidach, or Fidach, eastwards towards Temair an
Broga Nia in Leinster {i.e. Tara), under a clan of the Tuatha Taiden.
III. From the River of Galway to DufF and Drowes, the kingdom of Irrus-
domnann, under the Gamanraige.
The Fir Craibe, Tuatha Taiden, and Gamanraige are the Oluegmacht.
Criiachan was the possession of their chief king.
The Fir Craibe are the cliief clan of the Clann Umoir, who occupied nearly
all their kingdom and a considerable part of Irrusdoiiinann.
The group of tribes comprised by the term Tuatha Taiden is not definitely
stated, but O'Flaherty says that they were of the septs of Sliabh Furri, which
is in the parish of Killeroran. From O'Flaherty's list of supporters of Maine
I infer that their kingdom was almost exactly that of the Hy Maine in its
greatest traditional extent up to Sliabh Badhghna. The Palace of Fidach,
being a bound for them and for the Fir Craibe, should be somewhere near tlie
border of the ancient Aidhne.
The Gamanry were the reigning clan of Connaught when this Olnegmacht
period opens. They built Rath Eocliaidh, afterwards called Cruachan, which
I suspect to have become a general name for a royal fort. It seems to
have taken its name from Eocliaidh Allat, King of the Gamanry of Irrus-
domnann and King of Connaught, who was killed by Meave's husband Tinni.
It is not necessary to supjDOse that this was the first occupation of that
neighbourhood, only that the great fort was attributed to him. The Releg
seems to be much older.
Their kingdom of Irrusdomnann comprised the Clan Umoir tribes north of
Galway and all the counties of Mayo and Sligo and North Leitrim, the
countries of the Gregry and Calry. It may have included Roscommon nearly
up to Cruachan. Ailill Find was livinc? in his fort in Crich Cairbre in the north
of the district of the Kerry, when Fergus went to attack him.^ Fergus reached
the Dun immediately after passing over Ath Feni. Ath Fen -was in Kerry
territory, and I incline to think that it was a ford of the river Lung, and
that Ailech Mor of the Kerry, close to Castlemore Costello, is the place
meant. It answers the description. The proper country of tlie Gamanry
^ licvue Ccltiqii^e, vol. xx. jj. 335.
- " Irische Texte," 2nd Series, Part II. Tain Bo Flidais,
340
APPENDICES.
themselves seems to have been much the same as that of the Hy Fiachrach,
whom I take to be their descendants. But this is vague and uncertain.
As the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries 0/ /rt^cnw? contains articles
in vols. XXX. and xxxi. giving in detail the reasons for the unusual views
expressed in the text regarding the relations of the Conmaicne, Ciarraige, and
Corcamoga, the Connachta, the Domnonians, and Eremonians, the connections
of royal tribes with the great cemeteries of the Brugli, &c., tlie circumstances
and period of the battles of Moytura, they are not repeated here.
The conclusions are : —
1. The legends of migration are vague, and in their present form incon-
sistent with the general result of the legends, and cannot be relied on for the
period or course of migration.
2. At the beginning of the definite legendary period the Fomorach, Fer-
domnann, and Tuatha De Danann were all long established in Ireland. The
Ferdomnann were the last comers, if they did not all come together, as is most
probable. They were all of the Gaelic tribes.
3. Small bodies came from time to time from Britain and the Continent in
aid of the Domnonians. They were absorbed in the Gaelic population if not
themselves Gael.
4. These tribes did not differ api^reciably in manners or culture.
5. They are not clearly connected with the great galleried cairns. The
evidence rather excludes a connection within this legendary period.
6. The period l^egins not long before the Christian era.
Tuatha De Danann Genealogy according to Keating.
Indae.
1
Ordan.
Niad.
1
Edarlam.
Esarg.
1
Elathan.
Delbaeth.
Daghda.
^1
Ogma.
Echtach.
r
Diancecht. Bre
1
1
is. Delbaeth.
Delbaeth.
1
1
Nuadat.
1
1
Clan.
1
Dana.
1
Carmait.
1
1
Elcmar.
1
1
Tadhg.
1
Lug.
1
MacCuill, &c.
1
Cairbre Cromm.
1
Uillinn.
Sidmall.
A Variation.
The
Fomoeach.
Niad.
1
Net.
1
1
Elathan.
1 1
Esarg. Delbaeth.
Dot.
Baler.
1
1
Elathan.
1
Daghda.
1
Ogma.
1
Bres.
1
Cermait.
1
Delbaeth.
Etbne.
Elcmar.
APPENDICES. 341
The Firbolg Kings.
Loch.
I
Dela.
I I I I I
Slainge. Rudraige. Gann. Genann. Sengann.
Starn. Rinnal. Sreng. Oidbgin.
I I
liaca Cennfionnain. Eocaid Mac Erca.
II.
AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE EARL OF ULSTER AND
SIR JOHN FITZTHOMAS.i
16th March 1299. — "Ricard de Burgo, Earl of Ulster, and John, son of
Thomas, formerly, at Atliljoy in Meath, before the Chief Justiciar of Ireland,
on Wednesday after the Feast of St. Luke last, acknowledged a writing
between them (in French) :
"It is agreed between the noble barons Monsr. Richard de Burk, Earl of
Uluester, and Monsr. Johan le fiz Thomas, whereas Sir John had taken
the Earl and held him in prison at Lege for thirteen weeks. For which
taking Sir John came to Athboy, in Mythe, to the Earl, on Wednesday after
the Feast of St. Luke, a.r. XXVL, and acknowledged his trespass, and put
himself at the Earl's will, and rendered to the Earl his castle of Lege, where
the Earl was imprisoned, together with all his lands in Connacht, Uluester,
and Uryel, and he has granted him the marriage of his eldest son. And the
Earl grants protection of life and limb, but that he go into Uluester to
remain in his prison at the Earl's will. And the Earl grants also that he
will restore the increase and the freehold of the castle of Lege, but he have
only simple seisin of the castle without other land. Also that Sir John's
lands in Connacht, Uluester, and Uryel be valued by six chosen by the Earl,
and six by Sir John ; and if these twelve cannot agree, they shall choose one
or two on each side to arrange their difference. And when tliese valuations
shall be made. Sir John shall deliver to the Earl six score librates of land as
amend for his trespass, to hold to the Earl and his heirs quit of Sir John
and his heirs, who are to warrant them. And the Earl shall have all the
remainder of Sir John's lands in Connacht, Uluester, and LTryel to him and
his heirs ; so that the lands in Tyrconel remain in seisin of Sir John, and the
Earl shall implead them, and if he recover them, he may hold them quit for
all time. And if these lands remain to Sir John by judgment, then Sir John
shall render to the >]arl tliese lands, and the Earl shall make exchange in
Leynester and Mounester, according to the valuation. And for all other
1 " Cal. Justiciary Rolls Ireland, 1295-130.3," p. 234.
342 APPENDICES.
lands of Sir John in Connacht, Uluester, and Uryel beyond the said six score
librates of land, and the land of Tyrconel, the Earl without delay shall make
to Sir John exchange in Leynester and Mounester in a convenient place,
according to the valuation. Sir John to retain the lands in Connacht,
Uluester, and Uryel until the valuations be made, and likewise the letters to
deliver seisin. The valuation to commence on tlie morrow of the new year,
both parties to help their being made without delay. The Earl also grants
that he shall marry one of his marriageable daughters to the son of Sir John,
if it jjlease him, before the new year, and if the marriage do not please the
Earl, he shall give back his son unmarried at the day named. And Sir John,
so soon as the Earl shall have released him from prison, shall do homage to
the Earl, and shall bind himself and his heirs to serve the said Earl and his
heirs for all time, saving the fealty to the King of England. And it is
granted on both sides that as soon as the aforesaid things are accomplished,
all the contests and ill Avill which Avere between them in the past and tlie
recognizances made before Monsr. Williame Doddingeseles be released and
annulled on both sides, but that Sir John de la Mare have the prison one
year. In witness, the parties put their seals to this indented writing.
"Afterwards, at complaint of the Earl that John put off procuring tlie
valuers to be chosen by him, the Sheriff of Kildare was commanded to
summon him, at his manor of Mayuotli, to be here at this day, to show why
the things in this writing should not be observed, and why the King, on his
default, should not cause the tenements to be valued.
"And the Earl and John now come, and Jolin cannot deny that he is in
fault in that the extents are not yet made. And by license he gives to the
Earl six score librates of land in his manors of Loghmesk, Dunmouhgherne,
Kylcogen, Slygagh, Bende, Creghcarby, and Fermanagh, in amend for his
trespass, and he grants them to the Earl for ever. And he and his heirs will
warrant the Earl and his heirs. And besides, John gives to the Earl all the
rest of his manors, and all his lands in Connacht, Ulster, and county of Louth,
in exchange for the tenements which the Earl will give him, according to the
purport of the first writing.
" And the Earl will give to John his lands in his manors of Balydunegan,
Typeraght, and Tristellaveragh. And if those are not sufficient, the Earl
giants that what is deficient be extended and added to John in his manor of
Lysrotheragh, and if that be not sufficient, then in the Earl's manor of
Grellagh, to the value of said tenements of John, beside the said six score
librates in said exchange. Each will warrant to the other the tenements
given in exchange. Persons shall be assigned by the Kin<^'s Court to take
the extent by the valuers chosen by the parties. The valuers shall come to
Kylcolgen in Connacht in the morrow of the close of Easter to begin the
extent, and shall remain until it is finished. If either make default in
bringing the valuers, then those assigned by the court shall cause other
valuers to be chosen. And when the lands to be exchanged are valued, then
those assigned by the King's Court shall deliver seisin of the tenements as
well to John as the Earl, who shall each make letters of quit-claim to one
another. John to have writs of assistance to distrain his valuers to come.
These are named by the court to make the extents on the part of the Earl :
"Walter de la HaA'e, escheator of Ireland, and John de Ponte, justice ; and on
APPENDICES. 343
the i)att of John : Simon de Ludgate, justice, and Will, de Barry. They are
to certify the Chief Justiciar in the octave of Holy Trinity what they have
done.
" John acknowledged and granted that all covenants had between the Earl
and Theobald le Botellier and his confederates on one part, and John on the
other, before Will, de Oddyngeseles, late Chief Justiciar, except the covenants
here contained, be of no effect."
III.
ABSTRACT OF PARTS OF INQUISITIONS TAKEN AFTER
THE DEATH OF WILLIAM, EARL OF ULSTER.
These Inquisitions are in the Public Record Office in London, catalogued as
Chancery Inquisitions Post Mortem, 7 Edw. III., No. 39. Those relating to
Connaught have been the subject of an article in the Journal of the B.S.A.I.,
vols. 32, 33. Only the parts relating to Mayo are given here.
Inquisition taken at Clare before John Morice, the King's Escheator in
Ireland, on 8th December, 7th Edward III., on oath of Hugh de Lecto, Adam
Laules, Philip, son of Gilbert de Angulo, John de Stanton, Richard, son of
Henry de Burgo, Robert Dondewnyll, Simon de Barry, Eichard, son of
David de Burgo, Hubert, son of Gilbert de Burgo, Moyler, son of Richard,^
Richard de Burgo, William, son of Richard Barrett, and Philip de Rocliford,
jurors, who say, &c.
Cantred of Crigfertur.
24s. 6d. from one theodum in Crigf which the heir of John Prendre-
gast holds freely.
30s. from nine townlands, which the heir of that John holds freely.
6s. 8d. from two townlands, but now nothing.
Gs. 8d. from two townlands, which John Prendregast holds freely.
10s. from two townlands in Aithyn Athmegorych, which William Pren-
dregast holds freely.
66s. 8d. from one theodum in Tyrnaghtyn, which the same William holds
freely.
17s. lOd. from Balykenaw,^ but now nothing.
Courts of Terneyn and Ternaghtyn, 40s., but now nothing, because the
lordship of those Courts is granted to William Prendregast by the letter of
the Lord William de Burgo, late Earl of Ulster, being under age.
Total of old value of this cantred, parcel of the manor of Loghry,
£10, 2s. 4d.
Total of value now, £6, 16s. 4d.
344 APPENDICEa.
Cantred of Ker.
£13, 6s. 8(1. from the cautred of the Ker.
66s. 8d. from half a cantred in Fertyr and Clancowan, which the heir of
Peter de Cogan holds freely.
£6, 13s. 4d. from Adlayu for lialf the cantred of Lowyu, Ity John de
Exeter.
Total value now of tliese cantreds, parcel of the manor of Loghry,
£23, 6s. 8d.
Cantred of Owyl.
Inquisition taken before John Morice, Escheator of Ireland, at Athenry,
on the last day of December, in seventh year of King Edward III., by the
oath of Bernard de Staunton, Knight, John de Stauntone, Knight, John de
Exeter, I'obert Gaynard, Maurice Gaynard, Eobert Cleik, Thomas Dolfyn,
William Walslie, William Seman, Thomas Glyse, William de Attliy, and
Richard Dolfyn, jurors, who say, &c., that there is —
£10 from one cantred in Owyl Botiller, by John le Botiller.
£10, 13s. 4d. from four townlands which John de Burgo held.
£10, 13s. 4d. from four townlands which Onayl ^ held.
£16, 13s. 4d. from seven townlands which Robert Laweles holds.
53.S. 4d. from one townland in Myntraghyn, which William de Burgo of
Owyl holds.
40s. from Knappaiigy.
Total of value of this cantred of Owyl, parcel of the manor of Loghry,
£52, 13s. 4d.
Cantred of Bak and Glen.
£13, 6s. 8d. from the cantred of Bak and Glen, which the heirs of William
Baret hold freely.
13s. 8d. from one townland in Irchloghton, now nothing.
22s. from one to\vnland of Cabragh * and Raytrayny.
lis. 8d. from one quarter in Corbeggau.*
10s. 4d. from one quarter in Lissarewel.*
lis. 8d. from one quarter in Cathy rleilan.
2s. from Inchawyn, by Richard Baret.
12s. from Row, by Thomas, son of Philip Baret.
6d. from a jjiece of land, by Geoffrey Martyn.
Tenants in Rathberk i)ay six crannocs of oats for suit of the loi'd's mill, in
ordinary years worth 40s.
Total of old value of these cantreds, parcel of the manor of Loghry,
£19, 7s. 2d.
Total of value now, £18, 13s. lOd.'
Cantred of Tvraulyf, Orrus, Tyromoy, and Condummor.
£13, 6s. 8d. from the cantred of Tyraunlyf.^
26s. 8d. from one townland in Casteldunghy,'' now nothing.
llOs. from one townland in Carne.
APPENDICES. 345
Pleas and perquisites of the Court, 4s.
£13, 6s. 8d. from one cantred of Orrus,!" wliicli Jolmde Exeter holds in fee.
£13, 6s. 8d. from the cantred of Tyrremoy,^' now nothing.
40s. from three townlands in Duncoghy,!'' now nothing.
£13, 6s. 8d. from the cantred of Condommor,^' now nothing.
£4, 10s. from three townlands in Leyghuyl,^* now nothing.
Total of old value of these cantreds, parcel of the manor of Loghry,
£66, 17s. 4d.
Total of value now, £32, 7s. 4d.
Cantred of Sylmolron (Castle of Toberbride).
SleoJlowA^ — £20 from the cantred of Sleofiow, but now nothing.
66s. 8d. from one theodum in Arkagh,^* now nothing.
66s. 8d. from one theodum in Kerymoyng," and Keryloghnayrn, but now
nothing.
66s. 8d. from Caryoghtragh , Init now nothing.
Total of old value of this cantred, parcel of the manor of Loghry, £30,
now nothing.
There is another church at Owylj^s taxed at 6 marks, whose advowson and
presentation belonged to the Earl and will belong to his heirs.
There are other lands in Counaught, Ulster, and other parts of Ireland
which are among the Irish, and none can go to them to value them or take
any profit, because the Irish among whom they lie will not allow any minister
of the king or any other Englishman to manage them.
Notes.
The difference between the old value when the Earl was alive and
the present value marks the disorder which arose when murder removed his
strong hand. ^ The entry should be Moyler, son of Richard de Burgo, making
twelve jurors as in other inquisitions. ^ Ballykinave. ** Mistake for Omayl,
O'Malley. * Cabragh near Inishcoe. ° Corraveggaun in Ballynahaglish. * Lis-
farrell was name of a "town" which included Rathbaun in Ballynahaglish in
seventeenth century. '' The items suggest disappearance of an intermediate tenure.
"^ Tirawley here seems to be only the Barrett estate in Ballysakeery, Kilmoremoy,
and Killala. ^ Castlenageeha This and next two items seem to represent part
of the great Cusack estate. '" Erris. ^^ The Bermingham manor of Ardnarea.
^^ Donicoy in Tireragh. ^-^ Dun Maic Conchobhair, now Castleconor. An indis-
tinct mark of contraction is over the " Con " here and above. ^* Lisladhguill,
obsolete, in Dromard parish. This and Duncoghy seem to represent the Cusack
manor of Coolcnaw. i* Sliabh Lugha. '® Artagh. '" Kerry of Moynee. '* Church
of Burrisool.
346
APPENDICES.
IV.
.X
DIVISIONS OF CONNAUGHT, 1570, 1574.
Division of Connaught into Counties and Baronies, with Notes
OF Chief Countries and Special Castles.^
Mayo — MacWilliam Eighter, chief.
Baronies.
. MacVadin's lands.
. MacJordan's lands, alias Baron Dexeter.
. MacCostello.
. MacMorris's lands.
. MacWilliam Enter and other Lower Bourkes.
. O'Maly's country.
. MacPhilpin and others.
. The Barretts' lands.
The Principal Castles of Mayo are : —
Moroghny do 0' Flaherty e's.
The Queen's, lately won by me in June,
llichard Inerj'n Burk's.
MacJordan's.
Earl of Clanricard's.
MacTibbot Burke's.
(This was drawn up by Sir E. Fitton.)
Moyne ,
Bellalaghen
Bellahaunes
Crosbohin
Kilvane
Burresker
Eosse '
Morysky
Burriswyle
Envermore
Ballynonagh ,
Shrogher
Burrishwj'le .
Ballelaghan .
Moyne .
Castlenecally
The following particulars are taken from the Division of Connaught and
Thomond of 1574. The s^^elling is modernised when there is no doubt of
what is meant. The modern names of places, when different, are given in
the last column.
The Barony of Crossboyne, which containeth MacMoris's comitry, 9 miles long
and 8 miles broad. MacMoris chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
MacMoris of
Walter Oge MacMoris
Moyler MacMoris
Richard MacMorris .
Edmund MacKorie ^
Walter Ose MacRorv
Castles.
Castle Macgarrett.
Nebry
Kenekely.
Barrillagl).
Castle Barnan.
Doonmacreena.
Castle Reagli.
Modern Name.
Brees G
Barreel
astle.
1 S.P.I.E., vol. XXX., No. 81. 1570.
2 These are MacErudderys ; FitzSimon their English surname.
APPENDICES.
347
Gentlemen.
MacMoris of
James Reogh MacMoris
Castles.
Ahena.
Castlekeel.
Ballykinava.
Castles, 10.
Modern Name.
The Barony of Kilmaine, containing Conmaicne Cuile and lochtar Tir, 10 miles
lonij and 8 broad. JFilliam Burke FitzJohn, Edmund Burke MacThomas
Vaghery, and the Clan Jonyns, chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
Robert O'Kelly, Coinarb of
Davy MacJonyn
MacWilliaiii Burke .
Gilladuff MacJonyn .
Brian boy MacDonnell
William Burke.
Ulick Burke .
Tybbot MacGilibon .
William MacGibl)on
Edmund Burke of .
Alexander Kettagh .
Mac William Burke .
Richard MacMoyler.
Ricard MacSeane Termon
William MacJonick Mac-
Moyler.
Tybbot MacMoyler .
Cosry and Shane MacEgam
Richard MacMoyler Clere
Hugh MacJonyn
Walter MacRemon .
Richard boy MacJonyn
Walter MacJonyn .
Moyler Burke .
Redmund MacJonyn
William Burke of
Shane MacJonyn
Moyler Burke of
Edmund boy MacJonyn
MacWilliam Burke .
Walter MacTibbot .
Seanatermoyne
Walter MacFiegh
Castles.
Kilmaine.
Moyne.
Kinlough.
Keylnemadry
Mocorha.
Ballisnahyn^^
Ballycurrin.
Ballymacgibbon.
Balleogevan
Cong
Aghalahard.
Bally Lough Mask.
Creevagh .
New Castle
Moynegrevagh .
The Neale.
Castle Marty n .
Two new castles by
the same.
Castle Kilvean.
Cloghnyerla
Turin.
Killelenayn
Ballybackagh.
Carras.
The Cross.
Shrule.
Ballycusheen.
Cloghan.
Cregmore.
Ballinrobe.
Crigh
Cloonkerry.
Liskelly
Modern Name.
Houndswood.
Not identified.
Mucrussaun.
At Ballinrobe, where
cavalry barracks are.
Caherduff C. in Cong.
In Ballymartin.
Kilkeeran in Kilraaine-
beg?
In Frenchbrook T. L.
Killernan.
In Creevagh T. L.,
Kilmolara P.
Liskillen ?
348
APPENDICES.
Gentlemen.
Daw Burke
Mac J oil yn More
Kichard Mac J on vu
MacTybbot
Seanetermon
Hubert MacJonyn
Walter MacJonvn
Castles.
Cloonagashel.
Kilquire.
Ellistron.
Castlec;illy.
Cas tlelou gli m ask
Creg Duff .
Duffraliyne.
Castles, 41.
Modern Name.
Hag Island Castle in L.
Carra.
Castle Hag in Lough
Mask.
Near Ballinrobe.
Not identified.
The Barony of Ross, containing the Joyes, Walshes, and Partriche's lands, 12 miles
long and 8 broad. MacThomus and MacTybod chiefs in the same.
Modern Name.
. Close to Petersburgh
House.
. Kilkeeran, Ballyovey
parish.
. Now Partry House,
Ballyovey parish.
. Not identified.
Gkntlemen.
MacThomas
Murrogh ne doo
MacEnvile
Abbe MacEnvile
Richard MacMoyler Joy
Castles.
Castlekirke.
Ballynonagh
Balleneslee
Cloynlaghen
Castlenew .
Castles, 5.
The Barony of Murrisk, containini/ Owleymale and the Islands, viz. : Inishturk
and Inishoirke, Clare and Atikilles. O'Malley chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
O'Malley of
and of
Shane O'Malley of .
Melaghlin O'.Malley ,
Cornmc O'Malley
Teige Roe O'Malley
Castles.
Cahernamart
Belclare.
Island Quartermore
Inishbolfin.
Clare Island.
Achill
Castles, 6.
Modern Name.
Now Westport House.
Probably the Carrow-
more, near Louisburgh,
Kildavnet Castle.
The Barony of Bures, which containeth Oivle C'lane Philjn7i, Oivle Ewghter and
Sliocht MacTibhot's lands, 10 miles long and 4 miles broad, Richard an
larainn chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
Castles.
Modern Name.
Richard an larainn of
. Burrishoole.
Tybbot MacPhillipin
. Bruygh
. Probably near Carrow-
cally.
MacPhillipin .
. Doon.
...
Enis MacTiriloghroe
. Akle .
. MacPhilbin's Castle, Aille
APPENDICES.
349
Gentlemen.
Tirlagli roe
Richard Burke.
Phelini Mac Tirlaghroo
Rory MacDonnell .
Castles.
Mayour
Ballj'oveaghane
Carrigh
Kaergeney .
Castles, 8.
Modern Name.
CastleafFy.
Newport.
Carrickaneady.
Calierikeeny in Islan-
deady.
Tlie Barony of Invermore, containing Erris and Dundonnell, 12 miles long
and 5 broad. MacVadin chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
Edmund Barrett
Doghdalla Barrett .
Edmund Barrett
William Burke MacMoyler
MacVadin's Sept
Castles.
Tiraun.
Caller
Invermore.
Ballycroy.
Coragher .
Castles, 5.
Modern Name.
Not identified.
Near Termoncarrayh.
The Barony of Moyne, containing Tirawley and the Cusacks' country, 15 miles
long and 10 broad. John MacOliveriis, alias MacWilliam, and MacVadin
called the Baron Barrett, chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
Richard Bariett
Walter Burk .
MacPhadyn
Walter Burke .
Walter MacHuLert .
Richard MacOliverus
Richard Burke .
Richard FitzOliverus
Anthony Burke
Castles.
Killala.
Beallasedery.
Castlenageeha.
Ballysakeery.
Inishcoe.
Rathfran.
Crossmolina.
Kerhenayne
Newton
Roiiallagh .
Castles, 11.
Modern Name.
Not identified.
Castleliill.
Castlegore.
Rappa.
The Barony of Burriscarra, containing Clancuan, Carra, and Moijnter Creghan.
MacWilliam Burke and MacPhillipin chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
Walter MacPhillipin
Edmund Burke of .
Richard Burke .
Walter Burke .
Thomas Burke .
William Keigh Burkt
Walter MacEnvile .
Castles.
Bellaburke.
Newcastle, by Castle-
barry.
Castlebarry.
Turlough.
Moyhenna.
Lysencromale
Ballycarra.
Manulla.
Modern Name.
Not identities
Liscromwcll.
350
APPENDICES.
Gentlemen.
Eichard an larainu .
Ricliaid MacDavy ilac-
Parson.
Tybot MacWilliam .
Mylle MacEnvile
MacEnvile
Tiiomas Burke .
Donuell MacDonnell
Thomas Keigh Burke
Marcus Mac en Abbe
Ricard MacUlick Athera .
Walter Mac en Abbe
Ulick MacUlick Athera .
Lord Bremingham .
William Burke FitzJohn .
Miles MacEnvile
Castles.
Gwecshadan.
Donamona.
Burnaiaunia.
Kilvonell .
Castlecarra.
Luffertaun.
Clooneen.
Beallanelub
Moelle
Lehincli.
Lissatava.
Coolcon.
Ballyheragh.
Raghrei
Kinturk.
Kilvonyde .
Castles, 24.
Modern Name.
Castleburke.
. Xewbr(^ok House.
. Hollymount House.
Not identified.
Not identified.
The Barony of Balbjlahan, containing Gallenga, 10 miles long and 6 broad.
MacJorda7i, alias Baron Dexefer, chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
MacJordan
Jouyn MacThomas .
Sleight Henry .
MacJordan's son
Sleight Henry .
Sleight Henry .
Walter FitzStej^hen .
Edmund FitzStephen's son
MacJordan ne Kelle
Walter FitzStephen .
Castles.
Toomour.
Beallahagh
Keaucondroe
Short Castle
Bohola.
New Castle.
Bella vary.
Curraun.
Clanvara .
Denganmore.
Castles, 12.
Modern Name.
Old Castle.
Ballinamore ?
Not identified.
Not identified.
The Barony of Ballyhaunis, containing Clancostello, 12 miles long and 5 broad.
MacCostello, alias Baron Nangle, chief in the same.
Gentlemen.
MacCostello of .
MacCostello of .
Castles.
Ballyhaunis
Bellagharee.
Castlemore.
Turlaghane
Annagli.
Castles, 5.
Modern Name.
Cashlaunna Drancaddha.
Tulrohaun.
APPENDICES. 351
V.
HISTORIA ET GENEALOGIA FAMILI^ DE BURGO.
The followin,^ is an extract from a small volume of parchment leaves in an
old binding, which was in the possession of the Bishop of Clogher in the
seventeenth centurj-, and is now in the library of Trinity College, Dublin,
marked F4.13.A. It is entitled "Historia et Genealogia Familise de Burgo.''"
A translation by Hennessy is in the same library.
It begins with this extract, which is followed by a historical pedigree of
Sir John Bourke, in which appears the date " 1578 which now is." The
earliest ancestors seem to be imaginary. Baldwin de Burgo, of the family of
the Counts of Flanders, King of Jerusalem, comes in as a con<|ueror in the
East, King of the Saracens, and is made father of William who came to
Ireland, from whom tlie descent is carried down correctly to Sir John, with
notes regarding each ancestor. Considerable space is given to Sir William de
Burgo's actions in the de Clare and Bruce wars, closing this part of the book.
Many blank leaves follow.
Then come four coloured pictures of the Judgment and Crucifixion, and
coloured pictures of Richard, son of AVilliam Conquer, and his descendants,
ancestors of Sir John, excepting his father Oliverus.
A page is given to each figure. A short note of the name, with a few
particulars sometimes, tells who is represented. The figures are all elabo-
rately coloured, some in civil and some in military dress, the latter \\ earing a
conical helmet without a crest. Sir John alone is on a horse, wearing conical
helmet and long shirt of mail, carrying a long spear. He has no sword, and
his shield is on one side. All the others carry sword and shield.
The page where Oliverus should be is headed "Arms of Clann William."
Below is the shield, gold with a red cross, a black lion in the right and a
white or natural hand in the left upper quarter. A heraldic helmet bears
the hand as a crest. The hand shows a very short cuff in all cases. The
shield has a mantling of foliage in red, green, and white, and is supported
by two bird-beaked griffins of green with red and green wings. All the
shields are alike in charges and colour.
The next page is blank but for a small note at head — " Place of Oliverus
Burc."
After the figure of Sir John comes a very long poem in honour of Sir
John and of' all his ancestors, a metrical and highly imaginative version of
the previous prose history. This is followed by many blank leaves, after
which come copies of three documents of December 1584 and January 1585,
recording agreements between Walter Kittagli Bourke and some Barretts.
Taking the shield of arms and the date of compilation, it may be inferred
that the book w^as prepared with regard to the proposal that Sir John and his
son should be made peers. The arranL;ement of contents and blank leaves
suggests that space was left for additional matter as it might be found or
prepared, such as the Barrett agreement.
The statements of MacWilliam's dues are drawn up in a confused forn:.
352 APPENDICES.
not tlie result of a detailed survey, bv embodiment of ancient writings with
abstracts of existing rights, so well known that detail was unnecessary.
So far as they relate to this county they may be taken as generally
accurate, being supported at several points by independent evidence, and not
contradicted.
MacWilliam'.s mensal lands in the barony of Kilmaine, in the three
divisions of Oonmaicne-Chuile, Muinter Creachain, and Oireacht Thomais,
seem to be taken from some old record, as those lists of townlands serve no
apparent purpose, and are not even exhaustive of the territory as regards the
MacWilliamship.
My extracts are taken jjartly from an independent translation and partly
from W. M. Hennessy's translation, but I have not followed his rendering of
names of places, which is neither quite English nor quite Gaelic. The
modern form is given when there is no doubt of the place meant, and when
there is an established English spelling, the Irish spelling in doubtful cases.
The names show places, not extents.
Excepting O'Dowda's rent, the money rents seem to be old rents due by
freeholders of early times to superior lords whose titles had been acquired
by Sir William Liath and the MacWilliams.
Military service or risings out are due by those chieftains who, though not
within the county, acted usually with MacWilliam Eighter in the Connaught
wars, O'Conor Roe and MacDermot and O'Kelly. They seem to be the
result of alliance rather than of subordinate tenure, and these relations and
services seem to have lapsed by the middle of the sixteenth century.
]\IacThomas Joy and Ross do not appear, because O'Flaherty held that
country, from MacWilliam as it was considered, but free of rent and service.
The MacMorrises maintained a position of independence of MacWilliam
Eighter, claiming in 1585 to hold of the Earls of Clanricard.
HisTORiA ET Gexealogia Famili.e de Burgo.
MacWilliam's jjroperty ; and it is too little.
Mac William's country here, viz. : from Furbough in the west of Con-
naught, in Muinter-Flaherty's country, to Ballymacscanlan near Dundalk,
and from Lowhid ^ in Thomond-O'Brien to Bullyshannon near the Erne ;
and from the city of Limerick to Waterford. And he had himself four other
counties as his inheritance, which are called shires in England, and the
county of Kilkenny and the county of Tipperary, and from Barna on the
south side of the west of Connaught to Inishark on the north side of Ubhall-
O'Maille, and there is some of this Lordship in InishbofRn , and the
province of Ulster, and the province of Connaught in length and breadth
from sea to sea. And MacWilliam is Earl of the j^rovince of Ulster, and Lord
of the province of Connaught.
Richard the second MacWilliam of Clann Ricaird — he is not of the family
of the heirdom, for he is the second son of Richard Mor ; and for that reason
Clann Ricaird belongs to MacWilliam lochtar, because it is he that is of the
family of the rightful heir, as Richard the first, and these are his residences,
viz. : Bally Loughrea when it is pleasing to God, and Bally Loughmask
and Kinlough and Ballinrobe. And it was his ancestor that constructed
APPENDICES. 353
Ballyniote, and New Castle of Inishowen, and the seven towers in Banada of
Leyny, where tlie Gael made a monastery of those towers, and ^loyculla ^ in
the west of Connaught to the west of Galway. And it was his ancestors that
had the province of Galway, and it belongs to himself when it pleases God
and the Prince, as likewise the two Ca[ ] Bracons, the least that are bad
in Galway, and five hundred herrings from the Great Bac. And to prove
this the fish cannot be divided even to-day in the place until a part of the
fish is given to the Earl [ ] as alms for his own soul.
It is not to this writing which we have left behind us outside on the
other side of this leaf that we yield or give credence, as it is on our con-
science, but to Almighty God, and to the truth as we have seen it written,
and that there were not (left unfinished in original).
And certainly as we liave seen written the country of MacWilliara, and
of his Ancestors before him, is from Furbough to Ballymacscanlan near
Uundalk, and from Lowhid in Thomond unto Ballyshannon near the Erne,
and from the city of Limerick to Waterford, which the Red Earl liad
together with four other counties he had as inheritance [which in English
are called Shires], and the coiinty of Kilkenny and the county of Tipperary.
Over here are his mensal lands, and their own baronies aftersvards.
Here are the mensal lands of Mac William Burk, viz. : Conmaicne-
Chuile, and Muinter Crechain, and Oireacht Thoraais.
Let us speak at first of the pobble of Walter Burk's family, viz. : the
two bailies of Ath Cuirc,^ and the two bailies of the Turlach, and the half-
bally of the Creevagh,'* and the half-bally of Carn Calain, and the bally of
Coollisduff,^ and the Ballytrasna,* and the bally of Raliard,^ and the bally of
the Tuath Riabhach, and the half-bally of Knockglass,' and Baile na Creiga,
and the bally of Lisnamairgech, and the bally of EUistron/ and the bally
of Moneycrower,* and the bally of Dunmuirne, and the bally of Ardmoran,'
and the half-bally of Knockroe,^ and the half-bally of Cluain Conghail, and
the Ballytrasna, and the half-bally of Lisnaheighnighe,i° and the quarter of
Cloonkerry.'
The pobble of the sejit of Thomas Burk, viz. : Ballycurrin,* and the two
Ballymacgibbons,* and Ballyshinnagan, and the bally of Cluainanansin, and
the bally of Lisuaimbelaigh, and Ballybackagh,' and the bally of Moycarha,^^
and the bally of Mimfhaelanduis, and the bally of Maghcalgaigh," and Baile
Dealgach,^^ and Ballycusheen,^ and the bally of Lisnarod,'-' and Ballynulty,^
and the bally of Coolnagashell,'^ and the bally of Kilbrenan," and the three
quarters of Kilbrenan, and the half -bally of Gortbrack.
This is the pobble of Muinter Crechain, viz. : the bally of Coolcon,"
and Baile Cartharach,i* a^^ Baile na nUltanach,^'' and the bally of Brittas,^^
and the bally of Coolishel,^® and the bally of Kilkeeran,!'' and the bally of
Lehinch,^^ and the bally of Rahard,^'' and the Baile Blaedhach,^^ and the
bally of Kilglassan,^' and Baile MicKiba, and the bally of Dairecondila," and
the half-bally of O'Mungan," and the half-bally of Rathgranagher,* and these
three are one bally, and the bally of Skealoghan,^^ and the bally of Muinoch-
traigh, and Ballymartin,* and Ballynakeeragh, and the half-bally of Cuille-
satuirn," and the half-bally of Ballaghboy, and th 
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